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William Widgery or Gunnar Widforss
are the only similar painters' names I can find.
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PATRICK HUTT has written:
'CONFRONTING AN ILL SOCIETY: DAVID WIDGERY, GENERAL PRACTICE, IDEALISM AND THE CHASE FOR CHANGE'
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The cast of Cold Case Files - 2004 includes: Cyndi Martino as Mrs. Williams Brian Talbot as Coroner, multiple voices Artie Widgery as Multiple voices Hawk Younkins as Jeff - Baseball Player
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William Kirkpatrick Hill is the author of the book "Stuart Little", which was first published in 1945. It is a children's novel that follows the adventures of a mouse named Stuart Little in New York City.
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The cast of The Teeth Beneath - 2005 includes: Jermaine Arsenault as Jermaine Greg Baller as Mr. Flask Matt Blouin as Matt Owen Bonnar as Logan Krista Comeau as Buxom Wench Darcy Elliot as Dolly D Evan Elliot as The Bunny Fraser Graham as Fedor Peter Hughson as Billy Tyler Knowlin as Tyler Kyle Larkin as Lumber Jack Clancy Macdonald as Is Drunk Right Now Peter Macmillan as Blanket Head Megan McMullin as Buxom Bartender Jon Regan as Silk Matinee Steve Rolston as Ice Ruble Tullis Rose as Clutch John Swinamer as Jon Mojo Widgery as Dr. Face Slasher
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The cast of Your Witness - 1950 includes: Felix Aylmer as The British Judge Stanley Baker as Police Sgt. Bannoch, Trial Witness Leslie Banks as Col. Roger Summerfield Andrew Cruickshank as Sir Adrian Horth K.C. - Prosecutor Amy Dalby as Mrs. Widgely Philip Dale as Jim Foster Shelagh Fraser as Ellen Foster James Hayter as Prouty, Trial Witness Robert Montgomery as Adam Heyward Dandy Nichols as Waitress Hal Osmond as Taxi Driver Derrick Penley as Clerk of Assize Wensley Pithey as Alfred John Sharp as Police Constable Hawkins Wylie Watson as Mr. Widgery, Red Lion Proprietor Richard Wattis as Minor Role Lyonel Watts as Vicar Meadows White as Warder
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It depends which Bloody Sunday you're talking about. I don't know much about the one in the North of Ireland in 1972, but I do know what happened in Dublin on 21 November 1920. Basically, it is know acknowledged that Michael Collins had a hit squad, informally known as the 'Twelve Apostles' and on the morning of the 21 November they took out 14 members of a British intelligence squad known as the 'Cairo Gang'. In reprisal, members of the British 'Black 'n' Tan' forces broke into Croke Park later that day where a match was taking place and opened fire into the crowd, killing 12 spectators and one player. It is widely acknowledged as one of the worst atrocities of the War of Independence, along with the burning of Cork city. [Yavemil] ----
The other "Bloody Sunday" took place on the 30th of January, 1972 in Derry. A civil rights march was taking place in Derry on that afternoon. The British Army tried to break it up and ended up shooting dead 13 unarmed civilians. On the day, they initially claimed that they had fired only 3 shots! Two enquiries into the events have happened, one shortly afterwards, known as the Widgery Inquiry, and one in recent years. The Widgery Report concluded that:
* shots had been fired at the soldiers before they started the firing that led to the casualties; * for the most part, the soldiers acted as they did because they thought their standing orders justified it; * although there was no proof that any of the deceased had been shot while handling a firearm or bomb, there was a strong suspicion that some had been firing weapons or handling bombs in the course of the afternoon.
Relatives and friends of the dead have always rejected these conclusions. No one was ever charged with the killings.
They didn't really have to explain anything, they didn't do anything.
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Bloody Sunday (1972)
On Sunday January 30, 1972, in an incident since known as Bloody Sunday, 26 Irish Civil Rights protestors were shot by members of 2nd Batallion of the British Parachute Regiment during a Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association march in the Bogside area of the city of Derry, Northern Ireland. Thirteen - six of whom were minors - died immediately, while the death of another 4� months later has been attributed to the injuries he received on the day. Two protesters were injured when run down by army vehicles.[1] Many witnesses, including bystanders and journalists, testify that all those shot were all unarmed. Five of those wounded were shot in the back.
Two inquiries have been held by the British Government. The Widgery Tribunal in the immediate aftermath of the day largely cleared the soldiers and British authorities of blame, but was criticized as a "whitewash" by many. The Saville Inquiry, established in 1998 to look at the events again (chaired by Lord Saville of Newdigate), has yet to report. The cost of this process has drawn criticism. In June 2003, the cost incurred so far in pursuit of the inquiry was given as �113.2 million.[2] One year later in June 2004 the cost was given as �130 million.[3] The total cost is expected to be around the �150 million pound mark. All costs are met by the British Government.
The Provisional Irish Republican Army's (IRA) campaign against Northern Ireland being a part of the United Kingdom had begun three years prior to Bloody Sunday, but perceptions of the day boosted the status of and recruitment into the organisation. Bloody Sunday remains among the most significant events in the recent troubles of Northern Ireland, arguably because it was carried out by the army and not paramilitaries.
Events of the dayMany details of the day's events are in dispute, with no agreement even on the number of marchers present that day. The organisers, Insight, claimed that there were 30,000 marchers; Lord Widgery in his Inquiry, said that there were only 3,000 to 5,000. In The Road To Bloody Sunday, local GP Dr. Raymond McClean estimated the crowd as 15,000, which is the figure used by Bernadette Devlin McAliskey in Parliament.
A wealth of material has been produced relating to the day. There have been numerous books and articles written, as well as documentary films made on the subject.[4]
The march's planned route had taken it to the Guildhall, but due to army barricades it was redirected to Free Derry Corner. A small group of teenagers broke off from the main march and persisted in pushing the barricade and marching on the Guildhall. They attacked the British barricade with stones and shouted insults at the troops. At this point, a water cannon, tear gas and rubber bullets were used to disperse the rioters. Such confrontations between soldiers and youths were common, though observers reported that the rioting was not intense. Two people were shot and wounded by soldiers on William Street.
At a certain point, reports of an IRA sniper operating in the area were given to the British command centre. The order to fire live rounds was given and one young man was shot and killed whilst he ran down Chamberlain Street away from the advancing troops. This first man shot, Jackie Duddy, was among a crowd who were running away. He was running alongside a priest, Father Edward Daly, when he was shot in the back. The aggression against the British troops escalated, and eventually the order was given to mobilise the troops in an arrest operation, chasing the tail of the main group of marchers to the edge of the field by Free Derry Corner.
Despite a cease-fire order from British HQ, over a hundred rounds were fired directly into the fleeing crowds by troops under the command of Major Ted Loden. Twelve more were shot and killed, many of them killed whilst attempting to aid the fallen. Fourteen others were wounded, twelve by firing from the soldiers and two knocked down by armoured personnel carriers.
The deadJackie Duddy (17). Shot in the chest in the car park of Rossville flats. Four witnesses stated Duddy was unarmed and running away from the paratroopers when he was killed. Three of them saw a soldier take deliberate aim at the youth as he ran. Patrick Doherty (31). Shot from behind whilst crawling to safety in the forecourt of Rossville flats. Doherty was photographed by French journalist Gilles Peress seconds before he died. Despite the evidence of "Soldier F" at the Widgery Tribunal, the photographs show he was unarmed. Bernard McGuigan (41). Shot in the back of the head when he went to help Patrick Doherty. He had been waving a white handkerchief at the soldiers to indicate his peaceful intentions. Hugh Gilmour (17). Shot in the chest whilst running away from the paratroopers on Rossville Street. A photograph taken seconds after Gilmour was hit corroborated witness reports that he was unarmed. Kevin McElhinney (17). Shot from behind whilst crawling to safety at the front entrance of the Rossville Flats. Two witnesses stated McElhinney was unarmed. Michael Kelly (17). Shot in the stomach whilst standing near the rubble barricade in front of Rossville Flats. Widgery accepted Kelly was unarmed. John Young (17). Shot in the head whilst standing at the rubble barricade. Two witnesses stated Young was unarmed. William Nash (19). Shot in the chest near the barricade. Witnesses stated Nash was unarmed and going to the aid of another when killed. Michael McDaid (20). Shot in the face at the barricade whilst walking away from the paratroopers. The trajectory of the bullet indicated he was killed by soldiers positioned on the Derry Walls. James Wray (22). Wounded and then shot again at close range whilst lying on the ground. Witnesses who were not called to the Widgery Tribunal stated that Wray was calling that he was unable to move his legs before he was shot the second time. Gerald Donaghy (17). Shot in the stomach whilst running to safety between Glenfada Park and Abbey Park. Donaghy was brought to a nearby house by bystanders where he was examined by a doctor. His pockets were turned out in an effort to identify him. A later police photograph of Donaghy's corpse showed nail bombs in his pockets. Neither those who searched his pockets in the house nor the British army medical officer (Soldier 138) who pronounced his death shortly afterwards say they saw any bombs. Donaghy had been a member of Fianna �ireann, an IRA-linked Republican youth movement. Gerald McKinney (35). Shot just after Gerald Donaghy. Witnesses stated that McKinney had been running behind Donaghy, and he stopped and held up his arms, shouting "Don't shoot!", when he saw Donaghy fall. He was then shot in the chest. William McKinney (26). Shot from behind as he attempted to aid Gerald McKinney (no relation). He had left cover to try to help the older man. John Johnston (59). Shot on William Street 15 minutes before the rest of the shooting started. Johnson died of his wounds 4� months later, the only one not to die immediately or soon after being shot.
The perspectives and analyses on the day
Mural by Bogside Artists depicting Father Daly waving a white handkerchief whilst trying to escort the mortally wounded Jackie Duddy to safety.Thirteen people were shot and killed, with another man later dying of his wounds. The official army position, backed by the British Home Secretary the next day in the House of Commons, was that the Paratroopers had reacted to the threat of gunmen and nail-bombs from suspected IRA members. However, all eye-witnesses (apart from the soldiers), including marchers, local residents, and British and Irish journalists present, maintain that soldiers fired into an unarmed crowd, or were aiming at fleeing people and those tending the wounded, whereas the soldiers themselves were not fired upon. No British soldier was wounded by gun-fire or reported any injuries, nor were any bullets or nail-bombs recovered to back up their claims. In the rage that followed, irate crowds burned down the British embassy in Dublin. Anglo-Irish relations hit one of their lowest ebbs, with Irish Minister for Foreign Affairs, Patrick Hillery, going specially to the United Nations in New York to demand UN involvement in the Northern Ireland "Troubles". However, as Britain had a veto on the UN's Security Council, this was never a realistic option.
Although there were many IRA men - both Official and Provisional present at the protest, they were all unarmed, apparently because it was anticipated that the Paratroopers would attempt to "draw them out". MP Ivan Cooper had been promised beforehand that no armed IRA men would be near the march. Many of the Paratroopers who gave evidence at the Tribunal testified that they were told by their officers to expect a gunfight and had been encouraged to "get some kills".
The official coroner for the City of Derry/Londonderry, retired British army Major Hubert O'Neill, issued a statement on August 21, 1973, at the completion of the inquest into the people killed [5], he declared:
It strikes me that the Army ran amok that day and shot without thinking what they were doing. They were shooting innocent people. These people may have been taking part in a march that was banned but that does not justify the troops coming in and firing live rounds indiscriminately. I would say without hesitation that it was sheer, unadulterated murder.
In the immediate aftermath of Bloody Sunday, the British government under Prime Minister Edward Heath established a commission of inquiry under the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Widgery. Many of the witnesses were prepared to boycott the inquiry as they lacked faith in his impartiality but were eventually persuaded to take part. His quickly-produced report (published within 11 weeks on April 19, 1972) supported the Army's account of the events of the day. Among the evidence presented to the inquiry were the results of paraffin tests, used to identify lead residues from firing weapons, and that nail bombs had been found on the body of one of those killed. Tests for traces of explosives on the clothes of eleven of the dead proved negative, while those of the remaining man could not be tested as they had already been washed. Most Irish people and witnesses to the event disputed the report's conclusions and regarded it as a whitewash. It is now widely accepted that the nail bombs photographed on Gerard Donaghy were planted there after his death, and firearms residue on some deceased came from contact with the soldiers who themselves moved some of the bodies, or that the presence of lead on the hands of one (James Nash) was easily explained by the fact that his occupation involved the use of lead-based solder. In fact, in 1992, John Major, writing to John Hume stated:[6]
The Government made clear in 1974 that those who were killed on 'Bloody Sunday' should be regarded as innocent of any allegation that they were shot whilst handling firearms or explosives. I hope that the families of those who died will accept that assurance.
In January 1997, the United Kingdom television station Channel 4 carried a news report that suggested that members of the Royal Anglian Regiment had also opened fire on the protesters and could have been responsible for 3 of the 14 deaths.
The Saville Inquiry
The city Guildhall, home to the Inquiry.Although British Prime Minister John Major had rejected John Hume's requests for a new inquiry into the killings, his successor, Tony Blair, decided to start one. A second commission of inquiry, chaired by Lord Saville, was established in January 1998 to re-examine 'Bloody Sunday'. The other Judges were John Toohey QC, a Justice of the High Court of Australia with an excellent reputation for his work on Aboriginal issues (he replaced New Zealander Sir Edward Somers QC, who retired from the Inquiry in 2000 for personal reasons), and Mr Justice William Hoyt QC, former Chief Justice of New Brunswick and a member of the Canadian Judicial Council. The hearings were concluded in November 2004, and the report is currently being written. The Saville Inquiry was a far more comprehensive study than the Widgery Tribunal, interviewing a wide range of witnesses, including local residents, soldiers, journalists and politicians. The evidence so far has undermined to some extent the credibility of the original Widgery Tribunal report. Allegations were made that some bodies were placed next to guns and explosives, and other substances (including playing cards) have been found to cause false positives in tests for explosives. Some of the scientists responsible for the original reports to the Widgery Tribunal now dismiss the interpretations that were put on their findings by the Ministry of Defence. Lord Saville has declined to comment on the Widgery report and has made the point that the Saville Inquiry is a judicial inquiry into 'Bloody Sunday', not the Widgery Tribunal.
Evidence given by Martin McGuiness, the deputy leader of Sinn F�in, to the inquiry stated that he was second-in-command of the Derry branch of the Provisional IRA and was present at the march. He did not answer questions about where he had been staying because he said it would compromise the safety of the individuals involved.
Many observers allege that the Ministry of Defence acted in a way to impede[7] the inquiry. Over 1,000 army photographs and original army helicopter video footage were never made available. Additionally, guns used on the day by the soldiers that should have been evidence in the inquiry were destroyed[8] by the MoD.[9] The MoD claimed that all the guns had been destroyed, but some were subsequently recovered in various locations (such as Sierra Leone, Beirut, and Little Rock, Arkansas) despite the obstruction.[10]
By the time the inquiry had retired to write up its findings, it had interviewed over 900 witnesses, over seven years, at a total cost of �155m[9], making it the biggest investigation in British legal history.
In mid-2005, the play, BLOODY SUNDAY: Scenes from the Saville Inquiry, based on the drama of the Saville inquiry, opened in London, and subsequently travelled to Derry and Dublin [1]. The writer, the journalist Richard Norton-Taylor, distilled four years of evidence into two hours of stage performance by Tricycle Theatre [2]. The play received glowing reviews in all the British broadsheets, including The Times: "The Tricycle's latest recreation of a major inquiry is its most devastating"; The Daily Telegraph: "I can't praise this enthralling production too highly... exceptionally gripping courtroom drama"; and The Independent: "A necessary triumph".
Impact on Northern Ireland divisions
Bloody Sunday memorial in the Bogside.Despite the controversy, all sides agree that 'Bloody Sunday' marked a major negative turning point in the fortunes of Northern Ireland. Harold Wilson, then the Leader of the Opposition in the Commons, reiterated his belief that a united Ireland was the only possible solution to Northern Ireland's Troubles. William Craig, then Stormont Home Affairs Minister, suggested that the west bank of Derry/Londonderry should be ceded to the Republic of Ireland.
When it arrived in Northern Ireland, the British Army was welcomed by Catholics as a neutral force there to protect them from Protestant mobs, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and the B-Specials.[11] After Bloody Sunday many Catholics turned on the British army, seeing it no longer as their protector but as their enemy. Young nationalists became increasingly attracted to violent republican groups. With the Official IRA and Official Sinn F�in having moved away from mainstream Irish nationalism/republicanism towards Marxism, the Provisional IRA began to win the support of newly radicalised, disaffected young people.
In the following twenty years, the Provisional Irish Republican Army and other smaller republican groups such as the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) mounted an armed campaign against the British, by which they meant the RUC, the British Army, the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) of the British Army (and, according to their critics, the Protestant and unionist establishment). With rival paramilitary organisations appearing in both the nationalist/republican and unionist/loyalist communities (the Ulster Defence Association, Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), etc on the loyalist side), a bitter and brutal war took place that cost the lives of thousands. Terrorist outrages involved such acts as the killing of three members of a Catholic pop band, the Miami Showband, by a gang including members of the UVF who were also members of the local army regiment, the UDR, and in uniform at the time, and the killing by the Provisionals of Second World War veterans and their families attending a war wreath laying in Enniskillen.
With the official cessation of violence by some of the major paramilitary organisations and the creation of the power-sharing executive at Stormont in Belfast under the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, the Saville Tribunal's re-examination of what remains one of the darkest days in Ireland for the British army, offers a chance to heal the wounds left by the notorious events of Bloody Sunday.
Artistic reaction
Bloody Sunday mural in DerryThe incident has been commemorated by U2 in their 1983 protest song "Sunday Bloody Sunday". The song.
The John Lennon album Sometime In New York City features a song [12] titled "Sunday Bloody Sunday", inspired by the incident, as well as the song The Luck Of The Irish [13], which dealt more with the Irish conflict in general. (Lennon was of Irish descent.)
Paul McCartney (also of Irish descent) issued a single shortly after Bloody Sunday titled "Give Ireland Back To The Irish" [14], expressing his views on the matter. It was one of few McCartney solo songs to be banned by the BBC.
The Celtic metal band Cruachan also addressed the song in the song Bloody Sunday.
The events of the day have also been dramatized in the two 2002 films, Bloody Sunday (starring James Nesbitt) and Sunday by Jimmy McGovern. Their portrayal of events is much closer to the opinion of the protestors and media witnesses than the official explanation of events offered by the British Army.
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Wylie Watson has: Played Rev. James in "For the Love of Mike" in 1932. Played Client in "Leave It to Me" in 1933. Played Magician in "Road House" in 1934. Played Memory in "The 39 Steps" in 1935. Played Jimmie Glass in "The Black Mask" in 1935. Played Joe Morrison in "Radio Lover" in 1936. Played Clarence in "Paradise for Two" in 1937. Played Oswald Clutterbuck in "Please Teacher" in 1937. Played Rev. James Travers in "Queer Cargo" in 1938. Played Eric Sampson in "Pack Up Your Troubles" in 1940. Played Dancing Professor in "Bulldog Sees It Through" in 1940. Played Friend in "Mr. Proudfoot Shows a Light" in 1941. Played Fiddlesticks in "Danny Boy" in 1941. Played Newspaper Vendor in "From the Four Corners" in 1942. Played Farmer in "The Flemish Farm" in 1943. Played Diabetic Patient in "The Lamp Still Burns" in 1943. Played Crasker in "Tawny Pipit" in 1944. Played Bill Gurd in "Strawberry Roan" in 1944. Played Tailor in "Murder in Reverse" in 1945. Played Josef in "Waltz Time" in 1945. Played Peabody in "Don Chicago" in 1945. Played David Dodd in "Kiss the Bride Goodbye" in 1945. Played Tattooist in "Waterloo Road" in 1945. Played Conductor in "The World Owes Me a Living" in 1945. Played Venning in "The Years Between" in 1946. Played Peabody in "A Girl in a Million" in 1946. Played Stage Manager in "The Trojan Brothers" in 1946. Played Fred in "Temptation Harbour" in 1947. Played Spicer in "Brighton Rock" in 1947. Played Watson, the butler in "Things Happen at Night" in 1947. Played Pendleton in "Fame Is the Spur" in 1947. Played Bagley in "My Brother Jonathan" in 1948. Played Councilor Green in "No Room at the Inn" in 1948. Played Mr. Josser in "London Belongs to Me" in 1948. Played Mr. Rusper in "The History of Mr. Polly" in 1949. Performed in "Train of Events" in 1949. Played Caretaker in "Shadow of the Past" in 1950. Played Pickering in "The Magnet" in 1950. Played Huggins in "Madeleine" in 1950. Played Mr. Widgery, Red Lion Proprietor in "Your Witness" in 1950. Played Able Seaman Nobby Clark in "Morning Departure" in 1950. Played Stage Door Keeper in "Happy Go Lovely" in 1951. Played Herb Johnson in "The Sundowners" in 1960.
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The cast of Autumnwatch - 2006 includes: John Aitchison as himself Philip Avery as himself Chris Baines as himself Patrick Barkham as Himself - Author, Badgerlands Stuart Bearhop as himself Simon Berrow as Himself - Galway Mayo Institute of Technology Darren Bett as himself Julia Bewth as Herself - WWT Slimbridge Stefan Bodner as himself Liz Bonnin as herself Dom Boothroyd as Himself - National Lobster Hatchery George Broadhead as himself Abby Bruce as herself Gordon Buchanan as himself Gordon Buchanan as Himself - Presenter Rose Buck as herself Lloyd Buck as himself Seamus Burns as himself Sarah Cadbury as herself Roo Campbell as himself Martin Carty as himself Mark Cocker as himself Kendrew Colhoun as himself Ruth Conway as herself Robin Crump as himself Maureen Davies as herself Alex Deakin as himself Roy Dennis as himself Dennis Doherty as Himself - ESB Fisheries Biologist Andy Don as Himself - Environment Agency Tony Donkin as himself Callan Duck as himself Chris Feare as himself Alastair Fraser as Himself - Friends of the Boar Jonathan Gerrelli as himself Matt Gollock as Himself - Eel Biologist, London Zoo Aquarium Leah Gooding as herself Darryl Grimason as himself Tim Guilford as himself Graeme Harris as himself Bob Haycock as himself Martin Heaven as Himself - Gamekeeper, Cotswolds Chris Hewson as himself Chris Hewson as Himself - BTO Andrew Hoodless as himself Padraig Hooley as Himself - Irish Whale and Dolphin Group Iain Hope as Himself - Scottish Natural Heritage James How as Himself - RSPB, Islay Kate Humble as Herself - Presenter Solomon Jallow as Himself - Local Birder, Senegal Jonathan Keeling as himself Johnny Kingdom as himself Kenny Kortland as Himself - Forestry Commission Scotland Jochen Langbein as Himself - Langbein Wildlife Associates Emyr Lewis as himself Thomas MacDonell as Himself - Estate Manager, Glenfeshie Estate Alistair MacEwen as himself Judy Mackay as herself Don Macneish as himself Rachel Maskill as herself Derek McCaskill as Himself - Forestry Commission Scotland Pete McCowen as himself Lindsay McCrae as himself Rob McElwee as himself Simon Mole as himself Bill Oddie as himself Bill Oddie as Himself - Presenter Chris Packham as himself Chris Packham as Himself - Presenter Janine Pannett as Herself - Dyfi Osprey Project Dave Paynter as Himself - Reserve Manager, Slimbridge Maya Plass as herself David Priddis as Himself - Gloucestershire Bat Group Roger Ransome as himself John Ridgley as Himself - Assistant Head Gardener, Highgrove David Righton as Himself - CEFAS Ian Rotherham as Himself - Urban Ecologist James Salmon as Himself - Skipper, Dover Sea Safari Sally Sharrock as herself Craig Shuttleworth as Himself - Red Squirrels Trust Wales Lenny Simpson as himself Christina Stapley as herself Les Stocker as himself Michaela Strachan as Herself - Presenter Bryony Tolhurst as Herself - Brighton University Steve Trewhella as himself Fiona Turner as herself Remy Ware as Herself - University of Cambridge Tony Whitehead as himself Charlotte Widgery as herself Jesse Wilkinson as himself Iolo Williams as himself Jay Wynne as himself
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Leslie French has: Played Leslie in "Radio Pirates" in 1935. Played Alexander Pope in "Peg of Old Drury" in 1935. Played Tobias (1939 version) in "Tobias and the Angel" in 1938. Played Johnny in "This England" in 1941. Performed in "The Wallet" in 1952. Performed in "Robin Hood" in 1953. Played Bert Dunnett in "Dixon of Dock Green" in 1955. Played Chrysalde, his friend in "ITV Play of the Week" in 1955. Played Pokrovsky in "ITV Play of the Week" in 1955. Played Doctor Mandel in "Armchair Theatre" in 1956. Played Mr. Forsythe in "Armchair Theatre" in 1956. Played Marcel Lafitte in "Orders to Kill" in 1958. Played Ernest Forsyth in "Television Playwright" in 1958. Played Mr. Snagsby in "Bleak House" in 1959. Played Lacoste in "The Scapegoat" in 1959. Played Francis Nash in "Probation Officer" in 1959. Played Professor Marceau in "International Detective" in 1959. Played Mr. Lagune in "Love and Mr Lewisham" in 1959. Played Pimm in "Interpol Calling" in 1959. Played Bluey Jackson in "No Hiding Place" in 1959. Played Albert Forrester in "Somerset Maugham Hour" in 1960. Performed in "Maigret" in 1960. Played Witkins in "The Edgar Wallace Mystery Theatre" in 1960. Played Mr. Woodhouse in "Emma" in 1960. Played Vicar in "Deadline Midnight" in 1960. Played Gregory in "The Avengers" in 1961. Played Father Gomez in "The Singer Not the Song" in 1961. Played Lord Rathbone in "The Avengers" in 1961. Played Blyvus in "Man of the World" in 1962. Played Albert Willett in "Z Cars" in 1962. Played Mr. Heseltine in "The Franchise Affair" in 1962. Played Mr. Manse in "The Rescue Squad" in 1963. Played Cavalier Chevally in "Il gattopardo" in 1963. Played Mathematician in "Doctor Who" in 1963. Played Hugh Denver in "The Protectors" in 1964. Performed in "Thirty-Minute Theatre" in 1965. Played Jarvis Lorry in "A Tale of Two Cities" in 1965. Played Sir Richard Tomalin in "The Troubleshooters" in 1965. Played Tim Bobbin in "Gaslight Theatre" in 1965. Played Mr. Marsden in "The Informer" in 1966. Played Gaillard in "Mystery and Imagination" in 1966. Played Industrialist (segment "Strega Bruciata Viva, La") in "Le streghe" in 1967. Played Dr. Davalle in "Manhunt" in 1969. Played Travel Agent in "Morte a Venezia" in 1971. Played Deshfield in "Jason King" in 1971. Played Parkinson in "The Rivals of Sherlock Holmes" in 1971. Played Justice Ashley in "Crown Court" in 1972. Played Widgery in "The Adventures of Black Beauty" in 1972. Played Harry Groper in "Village Hall" in 1974. Played Professor Avery in "Doctor on the Go" in 1975. Played Harry Meegan in "Target" in 1977. Played Mr. Medina in "Supernatural" in 1977. Played Justice Silence in "The Second Part of King Henry the Fourth, including his death and the coronation of King Henry the Fifth" in 1979. Played Mr. Lane in "Shoestring" in 1979. Played Justice Denman in "Lady Killers" in 1980. Played Mr. Cheeseman in "The Glamour Girls" in 1980. Played Judge in "Lady Killers" in 1980. Played Henry in "Tom, Dick and Harriet" in 1982. Played Hobbs in "Invitation to the Wedding" in 1983. Played The Major in "Screen Two" in 1985. Played Mr. Tomkey in "The Singing Detective" in 1986. Played Noddy Tomkey in "The Singing Detective" in 1986. Played Cuthie in "Lovejoy" in 1986. Played Lawyer in "The Dark Angel" in 1987. Played Lavatory Attendant in "The Living Daylights" in 1987. Played 5o Maestro Scala in "Il giovane Toscanini" in 1988. Played Judge Cox in "4 Play" in 1989. Played Caan in "Perfect Scoundrels" in 1990.
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Brendan Dillon has: Performed in "Strike in Town" in 1955. Performed in "First Performance" in 1955. Performed in "Strike in Town: Revised" in 1956. Played Fowler in "Wait for Me" in 1957. Played Travis in "Hawkeye and the Last of the Mohicans" in 1957. Played Eben Cotten in "Hawkeye and the Last of the Mohicans" in 1957. Played Store clerk in "Flaming Frontier" in 1958. Played Mort - the Locksmith in "The Detectives" in 1959. Played Emmett Reardon in "Bonanza" in 1959. Played Cecil Thorpe III in "Dennis the Menace" in 1959. Played Osborne in "Adventures in Paradise" in 1959. Performed in "Tidewater Tramp" in 1959. Played Officer in "Kraft Mystery Theater" in 1959. Played Coggins the Postman in "Thriller" in 1960. Played Ross in "Outlaws" in 1960. Played Father Thomas in "Checkmate" in 1960. Played Bertram Leach in "Surfside 6" in 1960. Played Tommy the Guard in "Route 66" in 1960. Played Mr. Widgery in "Alcoa Premiere" in 1961. Played Dr. Gault in "Dr. Kildare" in 1961. Played Dr. Simmons in "Dr. Kildare" in 1961. Played Mike Klennon in "Shannon" in 1961. Played Officer in "Alcoa Premiere" in 1961. Played Mr. Granger in "The Dick Powell Show" in 1961. Played Minister in "Premature Burial" in 1962. Played Sam in "The Alfred Hitchcock Hour" in 1962. Played Oliphant in "The Virginian" in 1962. Played The Bartender in "The Alfred Hitchcock Hour" in 1962. Played Inspector Roberts in "The Alfred Hitchcock Hour" in 1962. Played Strachey in "The Lloyd Bridges Show" in 1962. Played Mr. Bemis in "The Virginian" in 1962. Played Bartender in "The Alfred Hitchcock Hour" in 1962. Played Coppy Donovan in "Wide Country" in 1962. Played Collins in "The Alfred Hitchcock Hour" in 1962. Played James Aloysius Dolan in "The Virginian" in 1962. Played Coroner in "Bob Hope Presents the Chrysler Theatre" in 1963. Played Alf Hinds in "The Dakotas" in 1963. Played Leading Man in "My Fair Lady" in 1964. Played Timothy Stark in "Daniel Boone" in 1964. Played Quimby in "The Rogues" in 1964. Played Captain Jacob Wren in "Voyage to the Bottom of the Sea" in 1964. Played Murphy in "The Unsinkable Molly Brown" in 1964. Played Mr. Hayes in "The Man from U.N.C.L.E." in 1964. Played Commodore Morris in "Convoy" in 1965. Played Rudy in "Run for Your Life" in 1965. Played Tim Hanrahan in "The Big Valley" in 1965. Played Engineer in "Blue Light" in 1966. Played Col. Fettretch in "The Time Tunnel" in 1966. Played Bartender in "Felony Squad" in 1966. Played Quillen in "The Guns of Will Sonnett" in 1967. Played Gully in "Mannix" in 1967. Played Bert Turner in "The Killing of Sister George" in 1968. Played Quartermaster - Lusitania (segment "Lone Survivor") in "Night Gallery" in 1969. Played Amos Drucker (segment "Camera Obscura") in "Night Gallery" in 1969. Played Mr. Raines in "The Molly Maguires" in 1970. Played Bartender in "All in the Family" in 1971. Played Tommy Kelsey (1972-1973) in "All in the Family" in 1971. Played Sgt. Foster in "The Streets of San Francisco" in 1972. Performed in "The Streets of San Francisco" in 1972. Played Barrymore in "The Hound of the Baskervilles" in 1972. Played Butler at Country Club in "Barnaby Jones" in 1973. Played Victor in "The Picture of Dorian Gray" in 1973. Played Butler in "Barnaby Jones" in 1973. Played Jonathan Archet in "Barnaby Jones" in 1973. Played Green in "Police Story" in 1973. Played Allan Pinkerton in "Lincoln" in 1974. Played Charlie in "Bug" in 1975. Played Father Connelly in "Baretta" in 1975. Played Rollins in "Barbary Coast" in 1975. Played Mr. Bridges in "Family" in 1976. Played Doyle in "Young Pioneers" in 1976. Played John Gorman in "The Last Hurrah" in 1977. Played Thomas Goodfriend in "Fantasy Island" in 1977. Played Ambrose Finn in "The 3,000 Mile Chase" in 1977. Played Chaplain in "Tales of the Unexpected" in 1977. Played Jury Foreman in "Movie Movie" in 1978. Played Captain Kidd in "Jason of Star Command" in 1978. Played Father Devlin in "Vampire" in 1979. Played Kearney in "Backstairs at the White House" in 1979. Played Cabman in "The Dead" in 1987. Played Shannon in "Voices Within: The Lives of Truddi Chase" in 1990. Played Judge Isiah Braithwaite in "Dark Shadows" in 1991. Played Priest in "Fugitive Nights: Danger in the Desert" in 1993. Played Protestor in "Raging Angels" in 1995. Played Henry in "Carnival of Souls" in 1998. Played George in "The Clock" in 1999.
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Firstly it must be understood that by the time of America's Federal Constitution, the Founders were on their third polity. Polity is how societies organize into governing bodies. America's final polity was a bicameral system, or two houses of legislature voting on the passing of laws. Bicameral polity is the what; while Republic is the why. Republic is from the Latin; res publica meaning the public good or the public affairs.
However, this too can be misleading for a Republic is nothing without virtue. For example: While Rome's virtue was predicated on the expansion and domination of trade; backed by an elite military; Athens by comparison expressed their virtue or desire to do good, by pursuing the Arts and Sciences. However, all Republics began as a long suffering desire to remedy political evils. This is most conspicuous in Sparta, Rome, and America. Thomas Jefferson's teacher stated that "Commonwealth is the nearest English translation of the Latin res publica." Sorry too late to go digging in Mr. Jefferson's writings. Please trust its accuracy as I'm sure memory has not failed my as yet.
Therefore; The N. American British Colonies were first Royalist, then Confederate, then Constitutional. The now American people during the Constitutional Convention were understood to be... Republican. (not to be confused with today's Republican Party who were Federalists in the 1790's by virtue of a counter-revolution and establishing a central authority which is still with us today. Conversely, the motivation behind the Revolution, The Confederation, and the Federal Constitution: (as opposed to each State which has it's own Constitution), was to establish a central government.
Below are excerpts from my Book: The Never Realized Republic: Political Economy and Republican virtue. (formatted for this medium). While an intense work of scholarship, I rewrote it for students and general readership as The Republic: A Citizen's Guide to the meaning of Republic in America, (Oct. 2011). Each Chapter begins with a 2-3 paragraph explanation for the chapter that follows.
However, the short answer is: Common-Law or laws of authority whose principle or basic truth is Custom. Reference the Declaration of Independence: vis-à-vis "... He [the King] has refused his ascent to laws most wholesome and necessary for the public good..." Additionally, "...speaking of 'our ancestors' before emigration, possessed a right which nature has given to all men..., establish new societies, under such laws and regulations as to them shall seem most likely to promote public happiness. That their Saxon ancestors...had established there [in Britain] that system of laws which has so long been the glory and protection of that country."1
1[Thomas Jefferson], A Summary View of the Rights of British America, (Virginia, 1781), in Thomas Jefferson:Writings, (N.Y.: Literary Classics of the United States), 105-106. Notes and text selected by Merrill D. Peterson. Hereinafter cited as Thomas Jefferson: Writings.
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Excerpts from
The Never Realized Republic: Political Economy and Republican Virtue
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Chapter II
The Authority of Custom, and Common Law Principles:
Colonial Heritage of Liberty and Education
"The colonists...carry out with them, too, the habit of subordination, some notion of the regular government which takes place in their own country, of the system of laws which support it, and of a regular administration of justice; and they naturally establish something of the same kind in the new settlement."
-Adam Smith, 17761
The concepts of law and liberty were carried by English citizens to the New World. In the colonists' lawful charters was an inherent principle: the custom of law, and to Englishmen, especially educated Englishmen, the idea of common law, was the common bond with England. "The travelers from England who founded America brought with them the common law of England. What else could they do? They knew no other law, and were bound to follow that which they knew."2
1Adam Smith, AnInquiry into the Nature and the Causes of the Wealth of Nations, (Chicago: William Benton, 1776, 1952), Book IV, Of Systems of Political Economy, Chapter VII, Of Colonies, 243. Hereinafter cited as Smith, The Wealth of Nations.
2Lord Chief Justice (of England), Widgery, in Wright, Louis B. Wright, Magna Carta and the Tradition of Liberty, (Washington D.C: The United States Capitol Historical Society and the Supreme Court Historical Society, 1976), 11. Hereinafter cited as Wright, Magna Carta and the Tradition of Liberty,4. See also, "SINCE MAGNA CARTA THE COMMON LAW HAS BEEN THE CORNERSTONE OF INDIVIDUAL LIBERTIES. EVEN AS AGAINST THE CROWN. SUMMARIZED LATER IN THE BILL OF RIGHTS ITS PRINCIPLES HAVE INSPIRED FREEDOM UNDER LAW. WHICH IS AT ONCE OUR DEAREST POSSESSION AND PROUDEST ACHIEVEMENT." Presented by the Virginia State Bar May 17, 1959. This Plaque at Jamestown commemorates the introduction of common law on these shores, Wright, Magna Carta and the Tradition of Liberty.11.
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Colonial heritage was essentially born of a larger European civil, social, and scholarly history. Heritage is that which comes from the circumstances of birth, or the condition or state transmitted from ancestors." From heritage comes custom, and tradition, which is supported and perpetuated through education and religion. If we apply this to colonial America, we can see what Thomas Paine meant by "Europe not England, is the parent of America."3
The transition, of this heritage,-cultural, political, social, and religious,- that ultimately brought revolution and self-realization, was sprung from an intellectual and spiritually faithful civilization. European and classical history was America's history, in the sense that the historicity of social evolution and events from the Renaissance led the Revolutionary generation to make a break from the past.
3Thomas Paine, Common Sense, Thomas Wendel, ed. (New York: Barons Educational Series inc., 1975), 78. Hereinafter cited as Paine, Common Sense, Wendel, ed.
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A complex relation of cultural history, its impact and meaning upon seventeenth, and eighteenth-century thought, found fruition within the academic and civil institutions that were developing in the American Colonies, with institutions immersed in the very Renaissance tradition of political thought, and the literature of radical whiggism of England. "Throughout the eighteenth-century the Americans had published, republished, read, cited, and even plagiarized these radical writings, in their search for arguments to counter royal authority, to explain American deviations, or to justify peculiar American freedoms."1
These traditions and sources of political thought, and purpose, that found voice in the eighteenth and seventeenth centuries, were "most conspicuous in the writings of the Revolutionary period [and] was the heritage of classical antiquity."2 The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in colonial America were a sort of prism, of intellectual and social development.
There was first and foremost the education of the classics, the white light of the prism. This was the foundation which was to broaden the illumination that the age of reason provided by showing only science had progressed, but there was potential for social progress as well, above and beyond Protestant reformation. "During the late seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries, western political and social thought passed from its post-medieval to its early modern stage."3
Carl J. Richard, in The Founders and the Classics,shows that this classical foundation was a social conditioning of an educational system that had originated in the Middle Ages. "Americans derived their curriculum and pedagogical methods from the English educational system, which, like other European systems, had originated in the Middle Ages."4 There were other sources as well, culminating in the theories of social progress that led to an attempt to realize the ideal corporate society.5
1Gordon Wood, The Creation of the American Republic:1776-1787, (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1969), 17. Hereinafter cited as Wood, The Creation of the American Republic.
2Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution, (Cambridge: Mass, 1992), rev. ed., 23. Hereinafter cited as Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution.
3J.G.A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition,(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), 401-402.. Hereinafter cited as Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment.
4Carl J. Richard, The Founders and the Classics, Greece, Rome, and the American Enlightenment, (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1994), 20. Hereinafter cited as Richard, The Founders and the Classics.
5See, "there was even a desperate attempt, by many Americans to realize the traditional Commonwealth ideal of a corporate society, in which the common good would be the only objective of government." Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 54.
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Jason Byrne has: Played himself in "Countdown" in 1982. Played himself in "The Stand-Up Show" in 1995. Played Referee in "Father Ted" in 1995. Played himself in "Good News Week" in 1996. Played Football Hooligan in "35 Aside" in 1996. Played Cork Man No. 2 in "I Went Down" in 1997. Played himself in "Gas" in 1997. Performed in "Comedy Lab" in 1998. Played Reporter 2 in "The General" in 1998. Played himself in "Comedy Lab" in 1998. Played Arland in "Dark Ages" in 1999. Played Pat The Gardener in "Alice in Wonderland" in 1999. Played himself in "Loose Women" in 1999. Played himself in "The Weakest Link" in 2000. Played himself in "The World Comedy Tour: Melbourne 2002" in 2002. Played Waiter 1 in "Separation Anxiety" in 2002. Played himself in "The Panel" in 2003. Played himself in "The 100 Greatest Christmas Moments" in 2004. Played himself in "Jack Dee Live at the Apollo" in 2004. Played himself in "Spicks and Specks" in 2005. Played himself in "28 Acts in 28 Minutes" in 2005. Performed in "Paddy Muck" in 2005. Played himself in "Saturday Night with Miriam" in 2005. Played Himself - Presenter (2005-) in "Anonymous" in 2005. Played himself in "The Brendan Courtney Show" in 2005. Played Himself - Presenter in "Anonymous" in 2005. Played Performer in "The Royal Variety Performance 2006" in 2006. Played himself in "Jokerman: Tommy Tiernan Takes on America" in 2006. Played himself in "The Podge and Rodge Show" in 2006. Played himself in "The Law of the Playground" in 2006. Played himself in "The Graham Norton Show" in 2007. Performed in "Comedy Cuts" in 2007. Played Himself - Host in "A Night at the Festival Club" in 2008. Played himself in "Argumental" in 2008. Played himself in "Most Annoying People 2009" in 2009. Played himself in "The Byrne Subversive" in 2009. Played himself in "Edinburgh Comedy Fest Live" in 2010. Played himself in "Melbourne International Comedy Festival Gala" in 2010. Played Himself - Passenger in "Carpool" in 2010. Played himself in "Daybreak" in 2010. Played himself in "Cracker Night" in 2010. Played himself in "Adam Hills in Gordon St Tonight" in 2011. Performed in "The Comedy Annual 2011" in 2011. Played himself in "Epic Win" in 2011. Played Hotel Receptionist in "Killing Bono" in 2011. Played himself in "You Have Been Watching" in 2011. Played Himself - Special Guest in "Mad Mad World" in 2012. Played Himself - Guest in "Sunday Brunch" in 2012. Played Himself - Special Guest in "Dara O Briain: School of Hard Sums" in 2012. Played himself in "This Week Live" in 2013. Played Tom Whyte in "Father Figure" in 2013.
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Celia Allen has: Played Parish Member in "The Book of Daniel" in 2006. Played Dinner Guest in "The Book of Daniel" in 2006. Played Restaurant Diner in "The Book of Daniel" in 2006. Played Gambler at Roulette Table in "Frankie the Squirrel" in 2007. Played Woman at Roulette Table - Leopard Dress in "The Unknown Trilogy" in 2008.
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Star Rise, it is referenced that this series place long before Guardians of Ga'hoole for there is an oracular barn owl (a species the natives call the omo owl) featured that mentioned to Tijo how things called Ga' and Hoole have not happened yet. This implies that Guardians of Ga'hoole takes place in a post-apocalyptic world where humans are extinct, the geography changed, and certain new species evolved. Also, just before the prologue of the same book, there is a quote from To Be a King. In addition, at the end of the third book, Wild Blood, when the crowd of animals finally reaches the legendary Valley of the Dawn, being led the whole time by the spirits of an Eohippus, a human girl called First Girl, and Tijo's deceased wise stepmother Haru of the Burnt River Clan People, it has just about the right connection to the ending of the sixth book in Wolves of the Beyond, Star Wolf, where Faolan, now back in his kind's (the dire wolves) original homeland, tentatively called the Distant Blue, with his team of both fellow dire wolves and other animals, finds a narrow green valley inhabited by American bison and horses; one of the horses, a creamy white individual with a face scarred from a wildfire (making the face furless and the skin crinkled up in ugly ridges), is stationed on a promontory just ahead of him; using the memories of his past life, the legendary ancient dire wolf named Fengo, he discovers that this horse also has reincarnated memories of a past life of its own, the equine recalling Fengo from the past, now seeing the ancient wolf reincarnated as Faolan. The Escape (2014) Star Rise (2015) Wild Blood (2016) This series is set during a time in the main series of Guardians of Ga'Hoole. Set in a faraway northern Arctic land north of the Northern Owl Kingdoms called the Nunquivik, a mother polar bear named Svenna is forced to leave her two cubs, temporarily named First and Second before they get proper names, to take their place in a twisted cult of polar bears, led by one called the Grand Patek, worshipping a mighty constructed clock (put together by owls and a few sophisticated bears), known as the Ice Clock, upon a tall glacier, thus they are obsessed with time in a more humanlike sense. This great-sized clock was originally only meant to help predict the second happening of a past glacial-melting event called the Great Melting. With the great mechanism no longer being treated as a tool but now as an idol, this cult abducts cubs and forces them to work inside the giant clock's gears, turning it until they either die or lose one body part without dying - these enslaved cubs are referred to by the cultists as Tick Tocks. Escaping the rude and secretly cannibalistic Taaka, their first cousin once removed (she is their mother's first cousin, who even Svenna barely knows), First and Second (both born with special psychic powers) journey to find their long-lost father Svern, later joined by their second cousins Third and Froya. At the same time, the Grand Patek (the leader of the clock-worshipping bears) devises a master plan to even enslave the lands beyond the Nunquivik, even the Northern Owl Kingdoms. Svenna and Svern were both originally born and raised in the Northern Owl Kingdoms and thus know how to read and write. At one point in the first book it is revealed that Svenna knows the deceased Lyze of Kiel, or Ezylryb, and wonders what has happened back in the Owl Kingdoms since his death. It is also revealed that Svarr and Svenka, a clever polar bear from the time of Hoole (featured in The Coming of Hoole and To Be a King) who knew how to eavesdrop on others by listening through smee holes (natural steam vents), were Stellan and Jytte's ancestors. The Quest of the Cubs (2018) The Den of Forever Frost (2018) The Keepers of the Keys (2019) A 3D computer-animated film adaptation of the book was released by Warner Bros. in 2010. Zack Snyder directed the film as an animation debut with Jim Sturgess, Geoffrey Rush, Emily Barclay, Helen Mirren, Ryan Kwanten, Anthony LaPaglia, and David Wenham voicing the characters. Official website Kathryn Lasky's website Interview with Kathryn Lasky, BookReviewsAndMore.caThe Guardian is a British daily newspaper. It was founded in 1821 as The Manchester Guardian, and changed its name in 1959. Along with its sister papers The Observer and The Guardian Weekly, The Guardian is part of the Guardian Media Group, owned by the Scott Trust. The trust was created in 1936 to "secure the financial and editorial independence of The Guardian in perpetuity and to safeguard the journalistic freedom and liberal values of The Guardian free from commercial or political interference". The trust was converted into a limited company in 2008, with a constitution written so as to maintain for The Guardian the same protections as were built into the structure of the Scott Trust by its creators. Profits are reinvested in journalism rather than distributed to owners or shareholders.The editor-in-chief Katharine Viner succeeded Alan Rusbridger in 2015. Since 2018, the paper's main newsprint sections have been published in tabloid format. As of February 2020, its print edition had a daily circulation of 126,879. The newspaper has an online edition, TheGuardian.com, as well as two international websites, Guardian Australia (founded in 2013) and Guardian US (founded in 2011). The paper's readership is generally on the mainstream left of British political opinion, and its reputation as a platform for social liberal and left-wing editorial has led to the use of the "Guardian reader" and "Guardianista" as often-pejorative epithets for those of left-leaning or "politically correct" tendencies. Frequent typographical errors during the age of manual typesetting led Private Eye magazine to dub the paper the "Grauniad" in the 1960s, a nickname still used occasionally by the editors for self-mockery.In an Ipsos MORI research poll in September 2018 designed to interrogate the public's trust of specific titles online, The Guardian scored highest for digital-content news, with 84% of readers agreeing that they "trust what [they] see in it". A December 2018 report of a poll by the Publishers Audience Measurement Company (PAMCo) stated that the paper's print edition was found to be the most trusted in the UK in the period from October 2017 to September 2018. It was also reported to be the most-read of the UK's "quality newsbrands", including digital editions; other "quality" brands included The Times, The Daily Telegraph, The Independent, and the i. While The Guardian's print circulation is in decline, the report indicated that news from The Guardian, including that reported online, reaches more than 23 million UK adults each month.Chief among the notable "scoops" obtained by the paper was the 2011 News International phone-hacking scandal—and in particular the hacking of the murdered English teenager Milly Dowler's phone. The investigation led to the closure of the News of the World, the UK's best-selling Sunday newspaper and one of the highest-circulation newspapers in history. In June 2013, The Guardian broke news of the secret collection by the Obama administration of Verizon telephone records, and subsequently revealed the existence of the surveillance program PRISM after knowledge of it was leaked to the paper by the whistleblower and former NSA contractor Edward Snowden. In 2016, The Guardian led an investigation into the Panama Papers, exposing then–Prime Minister David Cameron's links to offshore bank accounts. It has been named "newspaper of the year" four times at the annual British Press Awards: most recently in 2014, for its reporting on government surveillance. Early years The Manchester Guardian was founded in Manchester in 1821 by cotton merchant John Edward Taylor with backing from the Little Circle, a group of non-conformist businessmen. They launched the paper after the police closure of the more radical Manchester Observer, a paper that had championed the cause of the Peterloo Massacre protesters. Taylor had been hostile to the radical reformers, writing: "They have appealed not to the reason but the passions and the suffering of their abused and credulous fellow-countrymen, from whose ill-requited industry they extort for themselves the means of a plentiful and comfortable existence. They do not toil, neither do they spin, but they live better than those that do." When the government closed down the Manchester Observer, the mill-owners' champions had the upper hand.The influential journalist Jeremiah Garnett joined Taylor during the establishment of the paper, and all of the Little Circle wrote articles for the new paper. The prospectus announcing the new publication proclaimed that it would "zealously enforce the principles of civil and religious Liberty [...] warmly advocate the cause of Reform [...] endeavour to assist in the diffusion of just principles of Political Economy and [...] support, without reference to the party from which they emanate, all serviceable measures". In 1825, the paper merged with the British Volunteer and was known as The Manchester Guardian and British Volunteer until 1828.The working-class Manchester and Salford Advertiser called The Manchester Guardian "the foul prostitute and dirty parasite of the worst portion of the mill-owners". The Manchester Guardian was generally hostile to labour's claims. Of the 1832 Ten Hours Bill, the paper doubted whether in view of the foreign competition "the passing of a law positively enacting a gradual destruction of the cotton manufacture in this kingdom would be a much less rational procedure." The Manchester Guardian dismissed strikes as the work of outside agitators: "[…] if an accommodation can be effected, the occupation of the agents of the Union is gone. They live on strife [...]." Slavery and the American Civil War The newspaper opposed slavery and supported free trade. An 1823 leading article on the continuing "cruelty and injustice" to slaves in the West Indies long after the abolition of the slave trade with the Slave Trade Act 1807 wanted fairness to the interests and claims both of the planters and of their oppressed slaves. It welcomed the Slavery Abolition Act 1833 and accepted the "increased compensation" to the planters as the "guilt of slavery attaches far more to the nation" rather than individuals. Success of the Act would encourage emancipation in other slave-owning nations to avoid "imminent risk of a violent and bloody termination." However, the newspaper argued against restricting trade with countries which had not yet abolished slavery.Complex tensions developed in the United States. When the abolitionist George Thompson toured, the newspaper said that "[s]lavery is a monstrous evil, but civil war is not a less one; and we would not seek the abolition even of the former through the imminent hazard of the latter". It suggested that the United States should compensate slave-owners for freeing slaves and called on President Franklin Pierce to resolve the 1856 "civil war", the Sacking of Lawrence due to pro-slavery laws imposed by Congress.In 1860, The Observer quoted a report that the newly elected president Abraham Lincoln was opposed to abolition of slavery. On 13 May 1861, shortly after the start of the American Civil War, the Manchester Guardian portrayed the Northern states as primarily imposing a burdensome trade monopoly on the Confederate States, arguing that if the South was freed to have direct trade with Europe, "the day would not be distant when slavery itself would cease". Therefore, the newspaper asked "Why should the South be prevented from freeing itself from slavery?" This hopeful view was also held by the Liberal leader William Ewart Gladstone. There was division in Britain over the Civil War, even within political parties. The Manchester Guardian had also been conflicted. It had supported other independence movements and felt it should also support the rights of the Confederacy to self-determination. It criticised Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation for not freeing all American slaves. On 10 October 1862, it wrote: "It is impossible to cast any reflections upon a man so evidently sincere and well-intentioned as Mr Lincoln but it is also impossible not to feel that it was an evil day both for America and the world, when he was chosen President of the United States". By then, the Union blockade was causing suffering in British towns. Some including Liverpool supported the Confederacy as did "current opinion in all classes" in London. On 31 December 1862, cotton workers held a meeting at the Free Trade Hall in Manchester which resolved "its detestation of negro slavery in America, and of the attempt of the rebellious Southern slave-holders to organise on the great American continent a nation having slavery as its basis". There was a comment that "an effort had been made in a leading article of the Manchester Guardian to deter the working men from assembling together for such a purpose". The newspaper reported all this and published their letter to President Lincoln while complaining that "the chief occupation, if not the chief object of the meeting, seems to have been to abuse the Manchester Guardian". Lincoln replied to the letter thanking the workers for their "sublime Christian heroism" and American ships delivered relief supplies to Britain.The newspaper reported the shock to the community of the assassination of Abraham Lincoln in 1865, concluding that "[t]he parting of his family with the dying President is too sad for description", but in what from today's perspective looks an ill-judged editorial wrote that "[o]f his rule we can never speak except as a series of acts abhorrent to every true notion of constitutional right and human liberty", adding "it is doubtless to be regretted that he had not the opportunity of vindicating his good intentions".According to Martin Kettle, writing for The Guardian in February 2011, "The Guardian had always hated slavery. But it doubted the Union hated slavery to the same degree. It argued that the Union had always tacitly condoned slavery by shielding the southern slave states from the condemnation they deserved. It was critical of Lincoln's emancipation proclamation for stopping short of a full repudiation of slavery throughout the US. And it chastised the president for being so willing to negotiate with the south, with slavery one of the issues still on the table". C. P. Scott C. P. Scott made the newspaper nationally recognised. He was editor for 57 years from 1872, and became its owner when he bought the paper from the estate of Taylor's son in 1907. Under Scott, the paper's moderate editorial line became more radical, supporting William Gladstone when the Liberals split in 1886, and opposing the Second Boer War against popular opinion. Scott supported the movement for women's suffrage, but was critical of any tactics by the Suffragettes that involved direct action: "The really ludicrous position is that Mr Lloyd George is fighting to enfranchise seven million women and the militants are smashing unoffending people's windows and breaking up benevolent societies' meetings in a desperate effort to prevent him." Scott thought the Suffragettes' "courage and devotion" was "worthy of a better cause and saner leadership". It has been argued that Scott's criticism reflected a widespread disdain, at the time, for those women who "transgressed the gender expectations of Edwardian society".Scott commissioned J. M. Synge and his friend Jack Yeats to produce articles and drawings documenting the social conditions of the west of Ireland; these pieces were published in 1911 in the collection Travels in Wicklow, West Kerry and Connemara.Scott's friendship with Chaim Weizmann played a role in the Balfour Declaration of 1917. In 1948 The Manchester Guardian was a supporter of the new State of Israel. In 1919, the paper's special correspondent W. T. Goode travelled to Moscow and secured interviews with Vladimir Lenin and other Soviet leaders.Ownership of the paper passed in June 1936 to the Scott Trust (named after the last owner, John Russell Scott, who was the first chairman of the Trust). This move ensured the paper's independence.Sylvia Sprigge served as correspondent for The Manchester Guardian in Italy 1943–1953.From 1930 to 1967, a special archival copy of all the daily newspapers was preserved in 700 zinc cases. These were found in 1988 whilst the newspaper's archives were deposited at the University of Manchester's John Rylands University Library, on the Oxford Road campus. The first case was opened and found to contain the newspapers issued in August 1930 in pristine condition. The zinc cases had been made each month by the newspaper's plumber and stored for posterity. The other 699 cases were not opened and were all returned to storage at The Guardian's garage, owing to shortage of space at the library. Spanish Civil War Traditionally affiliated with the centrist to centre-left Liberal Party, and with a northern, non-conformist circulation base, the paper earned a national reputation and the respect of the left during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). George Orwell writes in Homage to Catalonia (1938): "Of our larger papers, the Manchester Guardian is the only one that leaves me with an increased respect for its honesty". With the pro-Liberal News Chronicle, the Labour-supporting Daily Herald, the Communist Party's Daily Worker and several Sunday and weekly papers, it supported the Republican government against General Francisco Franco's insurgent nationalists. Post-war The paper's then editor, A. P. Wadsworth, so loathed Labour's left-wing champion Aneurin Bevan, who had made a reference to getting rid of "Tory Vermin" in a speech "and the hate-gospellers of his entourage" that it encouraged readers to vote Conservative and remove Attlee's post-war Labour government. The newspaper opposed the creation of the National Health Service as it feared the state provision of healthcare would "eliminate selective elimination" and lead to an increase of congenitally deformed and feckless people.The Manchester Guardian strongly opposed military intervention during the 1956 Suez Crisis: "The Anglo-French ultimatum to Egypt is an act of folly, without justification in any terms but brief expediency. It pours petrol on a growing fire. There is no knowing what kind of explosion will follow."On 24 August 1959, The Manchester Guardian changed its name to The Guardian. This change reflected the growing prominence of national and international affairs in the newspaper. In September 1961, The Guardian, which had previously only been published in Manchester, began to be printed in London. Northern Ireland conflict When 13 civil rights demonstrators in Northern Ireland were killed by British soldiers on 30 January 1972 (known as Bloody Sunday), The Guardian said that "Neither side can escape condemnation." Of the protesters, they wrote, "The organizers of the demonstration, Miss Bernadette Devlin among them, deliberately challenged the ban on marches. They knew that stone throwing and sniping could not be prevented, and that the IRA might use the crowd as a shield." Of the army, they wrote, "there seems little doubt that random shots were fired into the crowd, that aim was taken at individuals who were neither bombers nor weapons carriers and that excessive force was used".Many Irish people believed that the Widgery Tribunal's ruling on the killings was a whitewash, a view that was later supported with the publication of the Saville inquiry in 2010, but in 1972 The Guardian declared that "Widgery's report is not one-sided" (20 April 1972). At the time the paper also supported internment without trial in Northern Ireland: "Internment without trial is hateful, repressive and undemocratic. In the existing Irish situation, most regrettably, it is also inevitable... .To remove the ringleaders, in the hope that the atmosphere might calm down, is a step to which there is no obvious alternative." Before then, The Guardian had called for British troops to be sent to the region: British soldiers could "present a more disinterested face of law and order," but only on condition that "Britain takes charge." Sarah Tisdall In 1983 the paper was at the centre of a controversy surrounding documents regarding the stationing of cruise missiles in Britain that were leaked to The Guardian by civil servant Sarah Tisdall. The paper eventually complied with a court order to hand over the documents to the authorities, which resulted in a six-month prison sentence for Tisdall, though she served only four. "I still blame myself," said Peter Preston, who was the editor of The Guardian at the time, but he went on to argue that the paper had no choice because it "believed in the rule of law". In an article discussing Julian Assange and the protection of sources by journalists, John Pilger criticised The Guardian's editor for betraying Tisdall by choosing not to go to prison "on a fundamental principle of protecting a source". Alleged penetration by Russian intelligence In 1994, KGB defector Oleg Gordievsky identified Guardian literary editor Richard Gott as "an agent of influence". While Gott denied that he received cash, he admitted he had had lunch at the Soviet Embassy and had taken benefits from the KGB on overseas visits. Gott resigned from his post.Gordievsky commented on the newspaper: "The KGB loved The Guardian. It was deemed highly susceptible to penetration." Jonathan Aitken In 1995, both the Granada Television programme World in Action and The Guardian were sued for libel by the then cabinet minister Jonathan Aitken, for their allegation that Harrods owner Mohamed Al Fayed had paid for Aitken and his wife to stay at the Hôtel Ritz in Paris, which would have amounted to accepting a bribe on Aitken's part. Aitken publicly stated that he would fight with "the simple sword of truth and the trusty shield of British fair play". The court case proceeded, and in 1997 The Guardian produced evidence that Aitken's claim of his wife paying for the hotel stay was untrue. In 1999, Aitken was jailed for perjury and perverting the course of justice. Connection In May 1998, a series of Guardian investigations exposed the wholesale fabrication of a much-garlanded ITV documentary The Connection, produced by Carlton Television. The documentary purported to film an undiscovered route by which heroin was smuggled into the United Kingdom from Colombia. An internal inquiry at Carlton found that The Guardian's allegations were in large part correct and the then industry regulator, the ITC, punished Carlton with a record £2-million fine for multiple breaches of the UK's broadcasting codes. The scandal led to an impassioned debate about the accuracy of documentary production.Later in June 1998, The Guardian revealed further fabrications in another Carlton documentary from the same director. Kosovo War The paper supported NATO's military intervention in the Kosovo War in 1998–1999. The Guardian stated that "the only honourable course for Europe and America is to use military force". Mary Kaldor's piece was headlined "Bombs away! But to save civilians, we must get in some soldiers too." In the early 2000s, The Guardian challenged the Act of Settlement 1701 and the Treason Felony Act 1848. In October 2004, The Guardian published a humorous column by Charlie Brooker in its entertainment guide, the final sentence of which was viewed by some as a call for violence against U.S. President George W. Bush; after a controversy, Brooker and the paper issued an apology, saying the "closing comments were intended as an ironic joke, not as a call to action." Following the 7 July 2005 London bombings, The Guardian published an article on its comment pages by Dilpazier Aslam, a 27-year-old British Muslim and journalism trainee from Yorkshire. Aslam was a member of Hizb ut-Tahrir, an Islamist group, and had published a number of articles on their website. According to the paper, it did not know that Aslam was a member of Hizb ut-Tahrir when he applied to become a trainee, though several staff members were informed of this once he started at the paper. The Home Office has claimed the group's "ultimate aim is the establishment of an Islamic state (Caliphate), according to Hizb ut-Tahrir via non-violent means". The Guardian asked Aslam to resign his membership of the group and, when he did not do so, terminated his employment. In early 2009, the paper started a tax investigation into a number of major UK companies, including publishing a database of the tax paid by the FTSE 100 companies. Internal documents relating to Barclays Bank's tax avoidance were removed from The Guardian website after Barclays obtained a gagging order. The paper played a pivotal role in exposing the depth of the News of the World phone hacking affair. The Economist's Intelligent Life magazine opined that... As Watergate is to the Washington Post, and thalidomide to the Sunday Times, so phone-hacking will surely be to The Guardian: a defining moment in its history. Israeli-Palestinian conflict coverage In recent decades The Guardian has been accused of biased criticism of Israeli government policy and of bias against the Palestinians. In December 2003, columnist Julie Burchill cited "striking bias against the state of Israel" as one of the reasons she left the paper for The Times.Responding to these accusations, a Guardian editorial in 2002 condemned antisemitism and defended the paper's right to criticise the policies and actions of the Israeli government, arguing that those who view such criticism as inherently anti-Jewish are mistaken. Harriet Sherwood, then The Guardian's foreign editor, later its Jerusalem correspondent, has also denied that The Guardian has an anti-Israel bias, saying that the paper aims to cover all viewpoints in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.On 6 November 2011, Chris Elliott, The Guardian's readers' editor, wrote that "Guardian reporters, writers and editors must be more vigilant about the language they use when writing about Jews or Israel," citing recent cases where The Guardian received complaints regarding language chosen to describe Jews or Israel. Elliott noted that, over nine months, he upheld complaints regarding language in certain articles that were seen as anti-Semitic, revising the language and footnoting this change.The Guardian's style guide section referred to Tel Aviv as the capital of Israel in 2012. The Guardian later clarified: "In 1980, the Israeli Knesset enacted a law designating the city of Jerusalem, including East Jerusalem, as the country's capital. In response, the UN security council issued resolution 478, censuring the "change in character and status of the Holy City of Jerusalem" and calling on all member states with diplomatic missions in the city to withdraw. The UN has reaffirmed this position on several occasions, and almost every country now has its embassy in Tel Aviv. While it was therefore right to issue a correction to make clear Israel's designation of Jerusalem as its capital is not recognised by the international community, we accept that it is wrong to state that Tel Aviv – the country's financial and diplomatic centre – is the capital. The style guide has been amended accordingly."On 11 August 2014 the print edition of The Guardian published a pro-Israeli advocacy advert during the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict featuring Elie Wiesel, headed by the words "Jews rejected child sacrifice 3,500 years ago. Now it's Hamas' turn." The Times had decided against running the ad, although it had already appeared in major American newspapers. One week later, Chris Elliott expressed the opinion that the newspaper should have rejected the language used in the advert and should have negotiated with the advertiser on this matter. Clark County In August 2004, for the US presidential election, the daily G2 supplement launched an experimental letter-writing campaign in Clark County, Ohio, an average-sized county in a swing state. Editor Ian Katz bought a voter list from the county for $25 and asked readers to write to people listed as undecided in the election, giving them an impression of the international view and the importance of voting against President George W. Bush. Katz admitted later that he did not believe Democrats who warned that the campaign would benefit Bush and not opponent John Kerry. The newspaper scrapped "Operation Clark County" on 21 October 2004 after first publishing a column of responses—nearly all of them outraged—to the campaign under the headline "Dear Limey assholes". Some commentators suggested that the public's dislike of the campaign contributed to Bush's victory in Clark County. Guardian America and Guardian US In 2007, the paper launched Guardian America, an attempt to capitalise on its large online readership in the United States, which at the time stood at more than 5.9 million. The company hired former American Prospect editor, New York magazine columnist and New York Review of Books writer Michael Tomasky to head the project and hire a staff of American reporters and web editors. The site featured news from The Guardian that was relevant to an American audience: coverage of US news and the Middle East, for example.Tomasky stepped down from his position as editor of Guardian America in February 2009, ceding editing and planning duties to other US and London staff. He retained his position as a columnist and blogger, taking the title editor-at-large.In October 2009, the company abandoned the Guardian America homepage, instead directing users to a US news index page on the main Guardian website. The following month, the company laid off six American employees, including a reporter, a multimedia producer and four web editors. The move came as Guardian News and Media opted to reconsider its US strategy amid a huge effort to cut costs across the company. In subsequent years, however, The Guardian has hired various commentators on US affairs including Ana Marie Cox, Michael Wolff, Naomi Wolf, Glenn Greenwald and George W. Bush's former speechwriter Josh Treviño. Treviño's first blog post was an apology for a controversial tweet posted in June 2011 over the second Gaza flotilla, the controversy which had been revived by the appointment.Guardian US launched in September 2011, led by editor-in-chief Janine Gibson, which replaced the previous Guardian America service. After a period during which Katharine Viner served as the US editor-in-chief before taking charge of Guardian News and Media as a whole, Viner's former deputy, Lee Glendinning, was appointed to succeed her as head of the American operation at the beginning of June 2015. Gagged from reporting Parliament In October 2009, The Guardian reported that it was forbidden to report on a parliamentary matter – a question recorded in a Commons order paper, to be answered by a minister later that week. The paper noted that it was being "forbidden from telling its readers why the paper is prevented—for the first time in memory—from reporting parliament. Legal obstacles, which cannot be identified, involve proceedings, which cannot be mentioned, on behalf of a client who must remain secret. The only fact The Guardian can report is that the case involves the London solicitors Carter-Ruck." The paper further claimed that this case appears "to call into question privileges guaranteeing free speech established under the 1689 Bill of Rights". The only parliamentary question mentioning Carter-Ruck in the relevant period was by Paul Farrelly MP, in reference to legal action by Barclays and Trafigura. The part of the question referencing Carter-Ruck relates to the latter company's September 2009 gagging order on the publication of a 2006 internal report into the 2006 Côte d'Ivoire toxic waste dump scandal, which involved a class action case that the company only settled in September 2009 after The Guardian published some of the commodity trader's internal emails. The reporting injunction was lifted the next day, for Carter-Ruck withdrew it before The Guardian could challenge it in the High Court. Alan Rusbridger attributed the rapid back-down by Carter-Ruck to postings on Twitter, as did a BBC article. Edward Snowden leaks and intervention by the UK government In June 2013, the newspaper broke news of the secret collection of Verizon telephone records held by Barack Obama's administration and subsequently revealed the existence of the PRISM surveillance program after it was leaked to the paper by former NSA contractor Edward Snowden. The newspaper was subsequently contacted by the British government's Cabinet Secretary, Sir Jeremy Heywood, under instruction from Prime Minister David Cameron and Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg, who ordered that the hard drives containing the information be destroyed. The Guardian's offices were then visited in July by agents from the UK's GCHQ, who supervised the destruction of the hard drives containing information acquired from Snowden. In June 2014, The Register reported that the information the government sought to suppress by destroying the hard drives related to the location of a "beyond top secret" internet monitoring base in Seeb, Oman, and the close involvement of BT and Cable & Wireless in intercepting internet communications. Julian Assange criticised the newspaper for not publishing the entirety of the content when it had the chance. Rusbridger had initially proceeded without the government's supervision, but subsequently sought it, and established an ongoing relationship with the Defence Ministry. The Guardian enquiry later continued because the information had already been copied outside the United Kingdom, earning the newspaper a Pulitzer Prize. Rusbridger and subsequent chief editors would sit on the government's DSMA-notice board. Manafort–Assange secret meetings In a November 2018 Guardian article, Luke Harding and Dan Collyns cited anonymous sources which stated that Donald Trump's former campaign manager Paul Manafort held secret meetings with WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange inside the Ecuadorian embassy in London in 2013, 2015, and 2016. One reporter characterized the story, "If it's right, it might be the biggest get this year. If it's wrong, it might be the biggest gaffe
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Mac Fyfe has: Played Kevin Elliot James in "Teenage Space Vampires" in 1999. Played Arthur in "The Excalibur Kid" in 1999. Played Laurence Thorne in "The Skulls" in 2000. Played Jason in "Prom Queen: The Marc Hall Story" in 2004. Played Danny in "The Grid" in 2004. Played Waylon in "UKM: The Ultimate Killing Machine" in 2006. Played Liam in "11 Cameras" in 2006. Played Benjamin Allbright in "The Dark Room" in 2007. Played Fredereick in "The Poet" in 2007. Played Nathan in "The One That Got Away" in 2008. Played Mustangs player in "M.V.P." in 2008. Played Fred in "The Summit" in 2008. Played Charlie Fusureth in "Sea Wolf" in 2009. Played John Fitzpatrick in "Being Erica" in 2009. Played Boyfriend in "The Translator" in 2010. Played Dean in "The Con Artist" in 2010. Played Greg the Bartender in "The Riverbank" in 2012.
7 answers