Yes. Syria and Iraq are facing a serious insurgency led by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). Syria also has other rebel groups seeking the overthrow both of Bashar al-Assad and the removal of ISIL.
No. Iran is actually putting manpower into supporting the Republic of Iraq and funding Hezbollah in Syria, which are two groups actively fighting against ISIL. It could be reasonably argued that Iran is the most invested country (other than Iraq and Syria, where ISIL is an active insurgency) in defeating ISIL.
In recent decades, ISIS (ISIL) has destroyed Christian monasteries in Syria & Iraq. They have killed numerous Christians too.
Iraq refers to the entire nation and is a Republic with numerous representatives from different regions. ISIL refers to the paramilitary organization operating in the Sunni-majority areas of Iraq and Syria and that controls a large swath of territory in both. The Government of Iraq and ISIL are currently in a state of war.
The question as posed is nonsensical. The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) is not itself a conflict; it is a paramilitary apparatus with certain indicators of statehood. The conflict is that ISIL is expansionary and wishes to control more territories than it currently does. As a result, it is coming into direct conflict with the sovereign states of Iraq and Syria from whom it desires more territory. These states refuse the advance, seeing the barbarity with which ISIL treats those under its occupation and from a rejection of its political philosophy.
The Arab Spring in Syria led to the Syrian Civil War as government crackdowns on unrest escalated into armed conflict. ISIS took advantage of the chaos in Syria to establish a presence, eventually expanding its control into Iraq as well. The group exploited sectarian tensions, power vacuums, and disenfranchisement to establish a self-proclaimed caliphate in parts of Iraq and Syria.
The situation in the Middle East with ISIL (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant) is complex and fluid. While the group has lost significant territory and its self-declared caliphate has been dismantled, ISIL still poses a threat as it continues to carry out attacks and insurgency campaigns in Iraq and Syria. The group has also expanded its presence in other parts of the Middle East and Africa. Efforts to counter ISIL involve a combination of military operations, counter-terrorism measures, and addressing the underlying factors that contribute to its rise.
Yes. Iraq is larger than Syria.
Present day Mesopotamia includes Iraq, Israel, Lebanon, and Syria.
Entire classes are taught on the relationships between Middle Eastern countries. These countries in particular have very complex and constantly evolving relationships because of the ongoing wars and conflicts. As a result, you need to talk about Iraq as well as Syria and Turkey. As of September 2015 there are actually six countries and groups operating in these three countries: Republic of Turkey (Turkey), Kurds, Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), Republic of Iraq (Iraq), the Assad Regime (Syria), and the Free Syrian Army (FSA).Outward Relations of Each:ISIL is probably the easiest to discuss. It is at war with all five of the remaining groups, seeing them as lacking the proper right to govern. The primary issue that ISIL has with the Syrian and Iraqi governments are that these countries are ruled by Non-Sunnis and in accordance with secular norms (as opposed to Islamist/Jihadist views). As Fundamentalist Sunnis, they hold that Shiite Islam (dominant in Iraq) and Alawite Islam (politically powerful in Syria) are heresies and publicly proclaim "takfir" (blasphemer) against them. ISIL's opposition to the Kurds is similarly based in Kurdish secularism and religious pluralism. Additionally, the Kurds have the most successful adversaries of ISIL in its various conflagrations. ISIL hates the FSA as it sees them as stooges for American Power and Sunni-majority secularism, but does not rate them as a serious threat. ISIL has only really declared an open war on Turkey since Turkey has joined the US-Arab Anti-ISIL coalition. It is not likely that ISIL wants a direct confrontation with Turkey at this early stage because the Turkish military is strong enough to uproot ISIL. Conversely, for reasons that will be discussed in the Turkish section, Turkey is also avoiding direct conflict with ISIL and allocating its resources elsewhere. As a result, while ISIL is fearful of Turkey, it does not hate Turkey to the same degree as it hates the others.The FSA does not really have a relationship with Iraq. It strongly opposes both Syria and ISIL because these groups are trying to rule the Syria it is seeking to liberate. Turkey and the FSA have been exchanging strategic details and military technologies because of Turkey's hatred of the Assad Regime. The FSA has decent relations with the Kurdish groups and operations have overlapped in western Syrian Kurdistan, but, by and large the two organizations work in parallel as opposed to together.Turkey has a complex relationship with most of the countries in this group. Turkey has taken a strong dislike to the Assad Regime and has consistently supported any group that seeks to dethrone it. This has resulted in a functional and strategic relationship with the FSA and an under-the-table weapons exchange with al-Nusra and ISIL until such things became politically untenable. The Turkish disagreement with Assad primarily stems from the human rights abuses that Assad is committing in Syria as well as Assad's former harboring of Abdullah Ocalan, the head of the PKK, a Kurdish paramilitary/terrorist group that operates in Turkey. Turkish relations with ISIL were originally lukewarm with allegations that Turkey provided them weapons. After several border incidents happened, resulting in deaths of Turkish citizens from ISIL, such a stance became less acceptable. Eventually, the US pressured Turkey into joining the US-Arab Coalition against ISIL. However, Turkey does not see ISIL as a direct threat since ISIL spends most of its energies attacking Kurds and the Assad Regime. Both of these targets are problems for the Turks as well, so they see no problem with ISIL handling this issue. In fact, since Turkey's joining in the Syrian Civil War, it has allocated more resources and troops to fighting the Kurds within Turkey, e.g. the PKK and other, more democratic, Kurdish Rights Groups, than to ISIL. Turkey's relationship withe Kurds is generally negative, since Turkey strongly opposes the possibility that part of Turkey could break off and join the nascent Kurdistan. As a result, Turkey has attacked the PKK in Turkey, refused to cooperate with ostensible ally the YPG in Syria, and come to have an awkward relationship with the PUK and PDK in Iraq because of the positive commercial boom that has arisen from the relationship. Turkey and Iraq also coordinate on strategy, but Turkey is wary of Iraq because of Iraq's strong alliance with the PUK and PDK and Iraq's increasing reliance on Iran as its primary backer and supporter. Turkey, like Iran, seeks to be a regional power, and so sees the Iranians as a diplomatic threat to Neo-Ottomanism and Turkish ascendance in the Middle East.Syria has a weakly positive relationship with Iraq as they are both led by Non-Sunni Muslims and both governments oppose ISIL. Syria is currently at war the YPG Kurds near Qamishli, the Syrian Kurdish regional capital, but is expending far more of its force internally and against ISIL. Syria maintains a strongly antagonistic relationship with Turkey and ISIL since both countries wish to eliminate Syria. A significant portion of Syria's conflict is also with the FSA, but the two sides have been willing to negotiate on troop movements and attacks against ISIL.The Kurds are not completely internally united and are actually made up of three main groups: the PKK paramilitary/terrorists in Turkey; the YPG, an offshoot of the PKK, in Syria; and the union between the PUK and PDK in Iraq. This division results in difficulty between coordinated attacks from Kurds in Iraq in Syria or in defense of the PKK in Turkey, which is under attack from Turkey. Given that the PUK and PDK use Turkish military intelligence in targeting ISIL, the PKK has become suspicious the PUK and PDK know about impending Turkish attacks against their organization and are failing to provide advanced warning. YPG acknowledges that PUK and PDK are stronger militarily than it is, but it does not want help from the PUK and PDK to translate into political or administrative power at a later point in time and is wary to accept military help for that reason. The Kurds collectively maintain good relations with both Iraq and the FSA, since those groups have made provisions for Kurdish autonomy or independence. They jointly coordinate attacks on ISIL or Syria with these groups. The YPG is direct conflict with both Assad in Qamishli and ISIL further south, near Deir el-Zour, and further west, near Kobane. The Kurds collectively revile ISIL for its barbarity as well as its genocide against Yezidis (who are all ethnically Kurds) and Assyrians (who the Kurds consider "their guests" in Kurdistan). The Kurds are the most successful Anti-ISIL group currently fighting.Iraq is seeking an alliance with anyone who is willing to assist it against ISIL. This has resulted in constructive negotiations with Turkey and the Kurds and a weakly positive relationship with Assad, as they are both led by Non-Sunni Muslims and both governments oppose ISIL. Iraq has no perspective on the FSA and is one of the few Arab states to not have recognized it, likely in order to appease Iran, which has been helping the Iraqi Armed Forces make gains in the southeastern areas of ISIL control.
Syria is south of Turkey and west of Iran and Iraq.
Turkey is in conflict with Syria and Iraq, because the Euphrates river starts in Turkey and runs through Syria and Iraq. Turkey is placing dams on the river to generate hydroelectric power, but this is actively preventing Syria and Iraq from getting sufficient water arriving downstream.