Only a peace between equals can last. Only a peace the very principle of which is equality and a common participation in a common benefit. The right state of mind, the right feeling between nations, is as necessary for a lasting peace as is the just settlement of vexed questions of territory or of racial and national allegiance. The equality of nations upon which peace must be founded if it is to last must be an equality of rights; the guarantees exchanged must neither recognize nor imply a difference between big nations and small, between those that are powerful and those that are weak. Right must be based upon the common strength, not upon the individual strength, of the nations upon whose concert peace will depend. Equality of territory or of resources there of course cannot be; nor any other sort of equality not gained in the ordinary peaceful and legitimate development of the peoples themselves. But no one asks or expects anything more than an equality of rights. Mankind is looking now for freedom of life, not for equipoises of power. And there is a deeper thing involved than even equality of right among organized nations. No peace can last, or ought to last, which does not recognize and accept the principle that governments derive all their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand peoples about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were property. I take it for granted, for instance, if I may venture upon a single example, that statesmen everywhere are agreed that there should be a united, independent, and autonomous Poland, and that, henceforth, inviolable security of life, of worship, and of industrial and social development should be guaranteed to all peoples who have lived hitherto under the power of governments devoted to a faith and purpose hostile to their own. I speak of this, not because of any desire to exalt an abstract political principle which has always been held very dear by those who have sought to build up liberty in America but for the same reason that I have spoken of the other conditions of peace which seem to me clearly indispensable because I wish frankly to uncover realities. Any peace which does not recognize and accept this principle will inevitably be upset. It will not rest upon the affections or the convictions of mankind. The ferment of spirit of whole populations will fight subtly and constantly against it, and all the world will sympathize. The world can be at peace only if its life is stable, and there can be no stability where the will is in rebellion, where there is not tranquillity of spirit and a sense of justice, of freedom, and of right. So far as practicable, moreover, every great people now struggling toward a full development of its resources and of its powers should be assured a direct outlet to the great highways of the sea. Where this cannot be done by the cession of territory, it can no doubt be done by the neutralization of direct rights of way under the general guarantee which will assure the peace itself. With a right comity of arrangement, no nation need be shut away from free access to the open paths of the world's commerce. And the paths of the sea must alike in law and in fact be free. The freedom of the seas is the sine qua non of peace, equality, and cooperation. No doubt a somewhat radical reconsideration of many of the rules of international practice hitherto thought to be established may be necessary in order to make the seas indeed free and common in practically all circumstances for the use of mankind, but the motive for such changes is convincing and compelling. There can be no trust or intimacy between the peoples of the world without them. The free, constant, unthreatened intercourse of nations is an essential part of the process of peace and of development. It need not be difficult either to define or to secure the freedom of the seas if the governments of the world sincerely desire to come to an agreement concerning it. It is a problem closely connected with the limitation of naval armaments and the cooperation of the navies of the world in keeping the seas at once free and safe. And the question of limiting naval armaments opens the wider and perhaps more difficult. question of the limitation of armies and of all programs of military preparation. Difficult and delicate as these questions are, they must be faced with the utmost candor and decided in a spirit of real accommodation if peace is to come with healing in its wings, and come to stay. Peace cannot be had without concession and sacrifice. There can be no sense of safety and equality among the nations if great preponderating armaments are henceforth to continue here and there to be built up and maintained. The statesmen of the world must plan for peace, and nations must adjust and accommodate their policy to it as they have planned for war and made ready for pitiless contest and rivalry. The question of armaments, whether on land or sea, is the most immediately and intensely practical question connected with the future fortunes of nations and of mankind. I have spoken upon these great matters without reserve and with the utmost explicitness because it has seemed to me to be necessary if the world's yearning desire for peace was anywhere to find free voice and utterance. Perhaps I am the only person in high authority among all the peoples of the world who is at liberty to speak and hold nothing back. I am speaking as an individual, and yet I am speaking also, of course, as the responsible head of a great government, and I feel confident that I have said what the people of the United States would wish me to say. May I not add that I hope and believe that I am in effect speaking for liberals and friends of humanity in every nation and of every program of liberty? I would fain believe that I am speaking for the silent mass of mankind everywhere who have as yet had no place or opportunity to speak their real hearts out concerning the death and ruin they see to have come already upon the persons and the homes they hold most dear. And in holding out the expectation that the people and government of the United States will join the other civilized nations of the world in guaranteeing the permanence of peace upon such terms as I have named I speak with the greater boldness and confidence because it is clear to every man who can think that there is in this promise no breach in either our traditions or our policy as a nation, but a fulfillment, rather, of all that we have professed or striven for. I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world: that no nation should seek to extend its polity over any other nation or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its own polity, its own way of development--unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful. I am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid entangling alliances which would draw them into competitions of power, catch them in a net of intrigue and selfish rivalry, and disturb their own affairs with influences intruded from without. There is no entangling alliance in a concert of power. When all unite to act in the same sense and with the same purpose, all act in the common interest and are free to live their own lives under a common protection. I am proposing government by the consent of the governed; that freedom of the seas which in international conference after conference representatives of the United States have urged with the eloquence of those who are the convinced disciples of liberty; and that moderation of armaments which makes of armies and navies a power for order merely, not an instrument of aggression or of selfish violence. These are American principles, American policies. We could stand for no others. And they are also the principles and policies of forward-looking men and women everywhere, of every modern nation, of every enlightened community. They are the principles of mankind and must prevail. Source: 64 Congress, 2 Session, Senate Document No. 685: "A League for Peace."
This phrase suggests that lasting peace can only be achieved when there is equality among the parties involved. It emphasizes the importance of fairness, mutual respect, and balance of power in maintaining a peaceful relationship or agreement. It implies that unequal relationships or power dynamics may lead to conflict or instability in the long run.
This phrase implies that sometimes peace can only be achieved through the use of force or war in order to protect and maintain freedom. It suggests that seeking peace without the ability to defend one's liberties may not lead to lasting peace.
This phrase suggests that the only path to achieving peace is through peaceful means; violence and conflict will not lead to lasting peace. It emphasizes the importance of resolving conflicts through dialogue, diplomacy, and cooperation rather than through aggression or war.
No its not really bad, some people who are highly religious think of it as a broken cross. But i think that it can only look like one if you think of it as one. The peace sign stands for peace.!!
The Peace of Augsburg, signed in 1555, allowed German princes to choose between Catholicism and Lutheranism as the official religion for their territories. It effectively ended the religious warfare between Catholics and Protestants in the Holy Roman Empire. The principle "cuius regio, eius religio" ("whose realm, his religion") was established, giving rulers the right to determine the religion of their state.
The real peace sign is the symbol created by combining the semaphore signals for the letters "N" and "D," which stand for nuclear disarmament. It was popularized in the 1950s as a symbol of peace and has since become widely recognized as a symbol for non-violence and harmony.
Egypt in 1979. Jordan in 1994. There has been no other peace agreement between Israel and any Arab State, only armistices.
The hundred years between England and France was in fact a series of wars with short periods of peace between them. The wars began in 1337 and ended in 1453 thus making it 116 years long. Between truces and times of peace, they really only fought for 83 years.
War is evil with death and slaughter but with all that comes peace between nations or people. It isn't only about death and terrorism its about restoring peace. It can bring joy ad cheer to contrys
a police officer in forces the law and a peace officer avoids it!!! true true!! but yet you also have to think that not only do they do that they also well i think that they are hippies!!!!
the motto is by the sword we seek peace but only peace under liberty. it means we will fight for peace but only if we earn liberty as well.
Woodrow Wilson.
This phrase implies that sometimes peace can only be achieved through the use of force or war in order to protect and maintain freedom. It suggests that seeking peace without the ability to defend one's liberties may not lead to lasting peace.
The Thirty Years War ended with the Peace of Westphalia, which not only ratified the Peace of Augsburg, but extended it to include Calvinism.
yes it is right.
for one peace -- debile
(this could only be done by the president or head of a country)you could prevent wars between countries by talking it out instead of using weapons.
yes