A term for the anti-colonial
liberationist critique formulated by the Martiniquan psychiatrist
Frantz Fanon (1925-1961). Fanon's work in Algeria led him
to become actively involved in the Algerian liberation movement
and to publish a number of foundational works on racism
and colonialism. These include Black Skin, White Masks (1952,
translated 1968), a study of the psychology of racism and colonial
domination. Just before his death he published The Wretched
of the Earth (1961), a broader study of how anti-colonial sentiment
might address the task of decolonization. In these texts
Fanon brought together the insights he derived from his clinical
study of the effects of colonial domination on the psyche of the
colonized and his Marxist-derived analysis of social and economic
control. From this conjuction he developed his idea of a
comprador class, or élite, who exchanged roles with the white
colonial dominating class without engaging in any radical restructuring
of society. The black skin of these compradors was
'masked' by their complicity with the values of the white colonial
powers. Fanon argued that the native intelligentsia must
radically restructure the society on the firm foundation of the
people and their values.
However, Fanon, like other early National Liberationist
figures such as the Trinidadian C.L.R. James and the Cape
Verdean Amilcar Cabral, did not advocate a naive view of the
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pre-colonial. Fanon's nationalism was always what Edward Said
in Culture and Imperialism has defined as 'critical nationalism',
that is, formed in an awareness that pre-colonial societies were
never simple or homogeneous and that they contained socially
prejudicial class and gender formations that stood in need of
reform by a radical force. As Said has noted '[Fanon's] notion
was that unless national consciousness at its moment of success
was somehow changed into social consciousness, the future
would not hold liberation but an extension of imperialism' (1993:
323). For Fanon, the task of the national liberator, often drawn as
he himself was from a colonially educated élite, was to 'join the
people in that fluctuating movement which they are just giving
a shape to . . . which will be the signal for everything to be called
into question' (1952: 168) (see cultural diversity/cultural
difference).
Although Fanon is sometimes recruited to the banner of a
naive form of nativism, he took a more complicated view of
tradition and the pre-colonial as well as of its role in the
construction of the modern post-colonial state. Fanon, of course,
recognized and gave a powerful voice to the fact that for the
new national leaders 'the passionate search for a national culture
which existed before the colonial era finds its legitimate reason
in the anxiety shared by many indigenous intellectuals to shrink
away from that western culture in which they all risk being
swamped' and to 'renew contact once more with the oldest and
most pre-colonial springs of their people' (1961: 153-4). But he
also recognized the danger that such pasts could be easily
mythologized and used to create the new élite power groups,
masquerading as the liberators of whom he had warned.
A national culture is not a folklore, nor an abstract
populism that believes it can discover the people's true
nature. It is not made up of the inert dregs of gratuitous
actions, that is to say actions which are less and less
attached to the ever present reality of the people. A
national culture is the whole body of efforts made by a
people in the sphere of thought to describe, justify and
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praise the action through which that people has created
itself and keeps itself in existence.
(1961: 154-5)
Throughout his historical analysis, Fanon never lost sight of
the importance of the subjective consciousness and its role in
creating the possibilities for the hegemonic control of the
colonized subject, and of the neo-colonial society that followed
political independence. In studies such as 'The Fact of
Blackness' (1952) he addressed the importance of the visible
signs of racial difference in constructing a discourse of prejudice,
and the powerful and defining psychological effects of this on
the self-construction of black peoples. Much of Fanon's work
gives definition to the radical attempt to oppose this in the
discourses of the black consciousness movement that emerged
in America and Britain in the 1960s and which drew much of its
inspiration from Fanon's work. Although it might be argued that
later theorists such as Amilcar Cabral presented a more effective
political programme for implementing the radical transformation
of the native colonial intelligentsia in what Cabral called, in a
memorable phrase, 'a veritable forced march along the road to
cultural progress'(Cabral 1969), it was in the interweaving of the
specific and personal with the general and social that Fanon's
distinctive and profoundly influential contribution was made.