States currently utilizing parliamentary systems are denoted in
red and
orange—the former being
constitutional monarchies where authority is vested in a parliament, and the latter being
parliamentary republics whose parliaments are effectively supreme over a separate
head of state. States denoted in green have the roles of head of state and head of government in one office, similar to
presidential systems, but this office is filled by parliament's choice and not elected separately.
A parliamentary system, also known as parliamentarianism (and parliamentarism in U.S. English), is
distinguished by the executive branch of government being dependent on the direct
or indirect support of the parliament, often expressed through a vote of confidence. Hence, there is no clear-cut separation
of powers between the executive and legislative branches, leading to a differing set of checks and
balances compared to those found in a presidential republic. Parliamentary systems
usually have a clear differentiation between the head of government and the
head of state, with the head of government being the prime minister or premier, and the head of state often being an elected
(either popularly or through parliament) president or hereditary monarch. Though in Parliamentary systems the prime minister and cabinet will exercise executive power on a
day-to-day basis, actual authority will usually be bestowed in the head of state, giving them many codified or uncodified reserve
powers, providing some balance to these systems.
The term parliamentary system does not mean that a country is ruled by different parties in coalition with each other. Such multi-party arrangements are usually the product of an
electoral system known as proportional
representation. Parliamentary countries that use first past the post
voting usually have governments composed of one party. However, parliamentary systems in continental Europe do use
proportional representation, and tend to produce election results in which
no single party has a majority of seats.
Parliamentarianism may also be heeded for governance in local governments. An
example is the city of Oslo, which has an executive council as a part of the parliamentary system.
The council-manager system of municipal government used in some U.S. cities
bears many similarities to a parliamentary system.
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Types
There are broadly two forms of Parliamentary Democracies.
- Western European Parliamentary Model (e.g. Spain,
Germany) tend to have a more consensual debating system, and have semi-cyclical debating
chambers. Proportional representation systems are used, where there is more
of a tendency to use party list systems than the Westminster
Model legislatures. The committees of these Parliaments tend to be more important than the plenary chamber. This model is
sometimes called the West German Model since its earliest exemplar in its final form was in
the Bundestag of West Germany (which became the Bundestag of Germany upon the absorption of the GDR by the FRG).
There also exists a Hybrid Model, the semi-presidential system, drawing on
both presidential systems and parliamentary systems, for example the French Fifth
Republic. Much of Eastern Europe has adopted this model since the early
1990s.
Advantages of a parliamentary system
Some believe that it's easier to pass legislation within a parliamentary system. This is
because the executive branch is dependent upon the direct or indirect support of the legislative branch and often includes
members of the legislature. In a presidential system, the executive is often chosen
independently from the legislature. If the executive and legislature in such a system include members entirely or predominantly
from different political parties, then stalemate can occur. Former US President Bill Clinton often faced problems in
this regard, since the Republicans controlled Congress for much of his tenure. That being said, presidents can also face problems from their
own parties, as former US President Jimmy
Carter often did [citation needed].
In addition to quicker legislative action, Parliamentarianism has attractive features for nations that are ethnically, racially, or ideologically
divided. In a unipersonal presidential system, all executive power is concentrated in the president. In a parliamentary system,
with a collegial executive, power is more divided. In the 1989 Lebanese Taif Agreement, in order to give Muslims greater political
power, Lebanon moved from a semi-presidential
system with a strong president to a system more structurally similar to a classical parliamentarianism. Iraq similarly disdained a presidential system out of fears that such a system would be equivalent to
Shiite domination; Afghanistan's minorities refused to
go along with a presidency as strong as the Pashtuns desired.
It can also be argued that power is more evenly spread out in the power structure of parliamentarianism. The premier seldom
tends to have as high importance as a ruling president, and there tends to be a higher focus on voting for a party and its
political ideas than voting for an actual person.
In The English Constitution, Walter
Bagehot praised parliamentarianism for producing serious debates, for allowing the change in power without an election,
and for allowing elections at any time. Bagehot considered the four-year election rule of the United States to be unnatural.
[citation needed]
There is also a body of scholarship, associated with Juan Linz, Fred Riggs, Bruce Ackerman, and Robert Dahl that claims that parliamentarianism is less prone to authoritarian collapse. These scholars point out that since World War
II, two-thirds of Third World countries establishing parliamentary governments
successfully transitioned to democracy. By contrast, no Third World presidential system successfully transitioned to democracy
without experiencing coups and other constitutional breakdowns. As Bruce Ackerman says of
the 30 countries to have experimented with American checks and balances, “All of them, without exception, have succumbed to the
nightmare [of breakdown] one time or another, often repeatedly.”
A recent World Bank study found that parliamentary systems are associated with lower
corruption. [1]
Criticisms of parliamentarianism
One main criticism of many parliamentary systems is that the head of government is in almost all cases not directly elected.
In a presidential system, the president is usually chosen directly by the electorate, or by a set of electors directly chosen by
the people, separate from the legislature. However, in a parliamentary system the prime minister is elected by the legislature,
often under the strong influence of the party leadership. Thus, a party's candidate for the head of government is usually known
before the election, possibly making the election as much about the person as the party behind him or her.
Another major criticism of the parliamentary system lies precisely in its purported advantage: that there is no truly
independent body to oppose and veto legislation passed by the parliament, and therefore no substantial check on legislative
power. Conversely, because of the lack of inherent separation of powers, some
believe that a parliamentary system can place too much power in the executive
entity, leading to the feeling that the legislature or judiciary have little scope to administer checks or balances on the executive. However, most parliamentary
systems are bicameral, with an upper house designed to check the power of the lower (from
which the executive comes).
Although it is possible to have a powerful prime minister, as Britain has, or even a dominant party system, as Japan has, parliamentary systems are also
sometimes unstable. Critics point to Israel, Italy,
India, the French Fourth Republic, and
Weimar Germany as examples of parliamentary systems where unstable coalitions, demanding
minority parties, votes of no confidence, and threats of such votes, make or
have made effective governance impossible. Defenders of parliamentarianism say that parliamentary instability is the result of
proportional representation, political culture, and highly polarised
electorates.
Although Walter Bagehot praised parliamentarianism for allowing an election to take
place at any time, the lack of a definite election calendar can be abused. In some systems, such as the British, a ruling party
can schedule elections when it feels that it is likely to do well, and so avoid elections at times of unpopularity. Thus, by wise
timing of elections, in a parliamentary system a party can extend its rule for longer than is feasible in a functioning
presidential system. In other systems, such as the Dutch and the Belgian, the ruling party or coalition has some flexibility in
determining the election date.
Alexander Hamilton argued for elections at set intervals as a means of insulating
the government from the transient passions of the people, and thereby giving reason the advantage over passion in
the accountability of the government to the people.
Parliamentarism and party formation
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Parties in parliamentary systems have had much tighter ideological cohesiveness than parties in presidential
systems[citation needed]. It would be difficult for a
parliamentary system to have a party like the United States Democratic
Party, which until the 1980s was a coalition of Southern conservative Protestants ('Dixiecrats') and urban liberals with no single unified
ideology. In a parliamentary system, a party such as this would typically splinter because, if in government, it may be unable to
govern effectively. Having splintered, though, the resulting parties might join in a governing coalition.
This form of government is often compared to a Presidential system.
Countries with a parliamentary system of government
Unicameral system
This table shows countries with parliament consisting of a single house.
- The Norwegian Parliament is divided in the Lagting and Odelsting in legislative matters. This separation will be abolished
with the next parliament in 2009 due to a constitutional amendment.
Bicameral system
This table shows countries with parliament consisting of two houses.
Notes
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