Organization of African Unity
An association of independent African states constituted in 1963, and designed to encourage African unity, to discourage neo-colonialism, and to promote development.
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An association of independent African states constituted in 1963, and designed to encourage African unity, to discourage neo-colonialism, and to promote development.
A body established 1963 at Addis Ababa, with a continent-wide membership, a rotating chairman, and decision-making based on consensus. It aimed to promote unity and cohesion among the newly independent African states, to advance their economic development, and to accelerate the liberation of those still under colonial or white rule. It recognized the sovereignty of existing African states within their colonial frontiers, subscribed to a policy of non-intervention in domestic affairs, and refused to countenance attempts at secession. The OAU showed little capacity to intervene effectively in any of the crises affecting Africa. In July 2002 it was restyled The African Union, with a structure based loosely on that of the European Union.
— Ian Campbell
In 1997, OAU members established the African Economic Community (AEC), envisioned as an African common market; the AEC signed an agreement with regional African economic groupings that was intended to lead to harmonization of policies of those common markets. A more radical expansion and transformation of the OAU was adopted at Lomé, Togo, in 2000, in the form of the Constitutive Act of the African Union, which replaced the OAU in 2002. The African Union has with greater powers to promote African economic, social, and political integration, and a stronger commmitment to democratic principles.
An alliance of African states (known as OAU) formed for mutual support in economics, self-government, and security.
In May 1963, the OAU was founded at Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, by thirty-two African states, including Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, Libya, Djibouti, Mauritania, Somalia, and Sudan. Devoted to issues such as colonialism, economic development, and mutual security, the OAU, like most multistate coalitions, has had limited success in transforming its ideals into reality. Although the OAU was an active supporter of liberation movements in Mozambique, Angola, and Zimbabwe, it had difficulty providing more than moral and diplomatic encouragement; in intra-African conflicts, such as that over the Western Sahara, the OAU has found itself in a quandary. The Arab states of the Maghrib (North Africa) have been and continue to be its ardent members.
Egypt's President Gamal Abdel Nasser pressured the OAU to his side in his stand against Israel, so through the 1960s, the OAU moved gradually toward the Arab camp. In 1971, the OAU issued a strong resolution criticizing Israel's handling of the Palestinian issue. By the end of 1973, all but four (Lesotho, Malawi, Swaziland, and Mauritius) of the OAU member states had broken relations with Israel. The Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel (1979) caused a slow process of renewal of diplomatic relations with Israel - Zaire was first in 1982.
Bibliography
Amate, C. O. C. Inside the OAU: Pan-Africanism in Practice. New York: St. Martin's, 1986.
Mansfield, Peter. The Arabs, 3d edition. New York: Penguin, 1985.
— ZACHARY KARABELL
The Organization of African Unity (OAU) or Organisation de l'Unité Africaine (OUA) was established on May 25, 1963. It was disbanded July 9, 2002 by its last chairperson, South African Thabo Mbeki and replaced by the African Union.
Its intended purpose was to promote the unity and solidarity of the African States and act as a collective voice for the continent. This was important to secure Africa's long-term economic and political future. Years of colonialism had weakened it in both respects.
The OAU was also dedicated to the eradication of colonialism, as there were still a number of states that had not yet won their independence or were minority ruled. South Africa and Angola were two such countries. A Liberation Committee was established to aid independence movements and look after the interests of already-liberated states. The OAU also aimed to stay neutral in terms of global politics, which would prevent them from being controlled once more by outside forces -- an especial danger with the Cold War.
The OAU had other aims, too, though:
Soon after achieving independence, a number of African states expressed a growing desire for more unity within the continent. Not everyone was agreed on how this unity should be achieved. Two opinionated groups emerged in this respect:
The dispute was resolved when Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie I invited both groups to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, where the OAU's headquarters were established. The Charter of the Organisation was signed by 32 independent African states, among them members of the Casablanca Group, founded in 1961 and composed of "progressive states". At the time of its disbanding, 53 out of the 54 states in Africa were members; Morocco left on November 12, 1984 following the admission of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic as the government of Western Sahara. in 1982.
The organisation was widely derided as a bureaucratic "talking shop" with little power. It struggled to enforce its decisions, and its lack of armed forces made intervention exceedingly difficult. Civil wars in Nigeria and Angola continued unabated for years.
The policy of non-interference in the affairs of member states also limited the effectiveness of the OAU. Thus, when human rights were violated, as in Uganda under Idi Amin in the 1970s, the OAU was powerless to stop them.
The OAU was praised by Ghanaian former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan for bringing Africans together. Nevertheless, in its 39 years of existence critics argue that the OAU did little to protect the rights and liberties of African citizens from their own political leaders, often dubbing it as a "Dictators' Club"[1] or "Dictator's Trade Union"[2].
The OAU was however successful in some respects. Many of its members were members of the UN, too, and they stood together within the latter organisation to safeguard African interests -- especially in respect of lingering colonialism.
Total unity was difficult to achieve, however, as the OAU was largely divided. The former French colonies, still dependant on France, formed their own group, and there was a further split between those groups which supported the USA and those which supported the USSR in the Cold War of ideologies. The pro-Socialist faction was led by Kwame Nkrumah; Houphouet-Biogny of the Ivory Coast led the pro-capitalists. Because of these divisions, it was difficult for the OAU to take action against states involved in internal conflict because it could rarely reach an agreement on what was to be done.
The OAU played did however play a pivotal role in eradicating colonialism and minority rule in Africa. It gave weapons, training and military bases to colonised nations. Groups such as the ANC and PAC, fighting apartheid, and ZANU and ZAPU, fighting for the independence of Rhodesia, were aided in their endeavours by the OAU. African harbours were closed to the South African government, and South African planes were prohibited from flying over the rest of the continent. The UN was convinced to expel South Africa from bodies such as the World Health Organisation.
The OAU also worked with the UN to ease refugee problems. It set up the African Development Bank for economic projects intended to make Africa financially stronger. Although all African countries eventually won their independence, it was still difficult for them to become totally independent from their former colonisers. There was often continued reliance on the former colonial powers for economic aid, which sometimes came attached with strings: loans had to be paid back at a high interest rate, and goods had to be sold at low rates. The USA and USSR also intervened in post-colonial Africa in pursuit of their own objectives. Help was sometimes provided in the form of technology and aid-workers. While useful, such external assistance was often perceived as not necessarily being in the best interests of the former colonies.
Autonomous specialised agencies working under the auspices of the OAU were:
| Secretaries-general of the OAU | |||
| Name | Beginning of Term | End of Term | Country |
| Kifle Wodajo (acting) | 25 May 1963 | 21 July 1964 | Ethiopia |
| Diallo Telli | 21 July 1964 | 15 June 1972 | Guinea |
| Nzo Ekangaki | 15 June 1972 | 16 June 1974 | Cameroon |
| William Eteki | 16 June 1974 | 21 July 1978 | Cameroon |
| Edem Kodjo | 21 July 1978 | 12 June 1983 | Togo |
| Peter Onu (acting) | 12 June 1983 | 20 July 1985 | Nigeria |
| Ide Oumarou | 20 July 1985 | 19 September 1989 | Niger |
| Salim Ahmed Salim | 19 September 1989 | 17 September 2001 | Tanzania |
| Amara Essy | 17 September 2001 | 9 July 2002 | Côte d'Ivoire |
| AU Chairs of the Commission | |||
| Amara Essy (interim) | 9 July 2002 | 16 September 2003 | Côte d'Ivoire |
| Alpha Oumar Konaré | 16 September 2003 | Present | Mali |
It includes ordinary and extraordinary summits.
| Pan-Africanism | |
|---|---|
| Proponents |
Molefi Kete Asante · Nnamdi Azikiwe · Steve Biko · Francis Ohanyido · Edward Wilmot Blyden · Amílcar Cabral · David Comissiong · Cheikh Anta Diop · W. E. B. Du Bois · Frantz Fanon · Muammar al-Gaddafi · Marcus Garvey · Yosef Ben-Jochannan · Sankofa Juba · Maulana Karenga · Kenneth Kaunda · Jomo Kenyatta · Akwatu Khenti · Patrice Lumumba · Bob Marley · Malcolm X · Thabo Mbeki · Zephania Mothopeng · Abdias do Nascimento · Kwame Nkrumah · Julius Nyerere · George Padmore · Dr Motsoko Pheko · John Nyathi Pokela · Runoko Rashidi · Walter Rodney · Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia · Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe · Burning Spear · Henry Sylvester-Williams · Ahmed Sékou Touré · Kwame Ture (Stokely Carmichael) · I.T.A. Wallace-Johnson · Omali Yeshitela |
| Concepts | |
| Organizations and movements | |
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