Arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness. (said by George Washington) The slave girl is reared in an atmosphere of licentiousness and fear. (said by Harriet Ann Jacobs)

licentiousness pretentiousness sententiousness tendenciousness tendentiousness

Lacking moral discipline or legal restraint, especially in sexual conduct

We try to avoid frivolity, drunkenness, licentiousness, and non-Torah customs.

Dom Afonso was concerned with the corruption of the leaders that Portugal sent over to the Congo. He was concerned by their licentiousness and their inability to rule. Due to the incompetence of the Vassals sent over, the people of the Congo were starving. Not only were they starving but the soon to boom slave trade had just begin and he was facing depopulation.

bender*, binge, blowout*, burning candle at both ends, bust, carousal, depravity, dissipation, dissoluteness, drunk*, excess, fast living, fornication, gluttony, incontinence, indulgence, intemperance, intimacy, la dolce vita, lasciviousness, lechery, lewdness, license, licentiousness, life in fast lane, lust, orgy, overindulgence, revel, revelry, seduction, sensuality, sybaritism, tear*

Excellent question, thank-you for letting me answer it; that's a great big 'NO' 'Cross-cultural' is a meaningless nonce word invented as a 'buzzword' purely as a deliberate attempt at ersatz erudition. The prefixes 'inter', meaning among or between and 'intra' meaning on the inside or within, serve completely to describe cultures, or anything else. Intracultural means inside a single culture, or Intra-anything else. Intercultural means between differing cultures, or Intra-anything else. 'crosscultural' is a self-indulgent bit of academic licentiousness.

Menno Simons was a former Roman Catholic priest, living in Friesland (part of the Holy Roman Empire, now part of the Netherlands), who was re-baptised and founded the Mennonite Church.

He was important to Anabaptist Christianity because of his teaching and writings about separation from the "world" and rejection of violence. He was one of the first influential preachers to shift the 'rebaptised' from the licentiousness and violence of the Munsterites to an orderly, disciplined way of life. His influence is also apparent in the later Amish, Hutterite, Moravian Brethren, and Quaker denominations, as well as in the various Mennonite churches.

There is a kind of symbolic differentiation between the court and the forest. Theseus is in charge in the court, and Oberon is in charge of the forest. Although both visit the other's domain, it is clear that they are visitors. It is possible to think of the court as representing rationality, control, and social stability, and the forest as representing irrationality, magic, and licentiousness.

This phrase suggests that freedom can be threatened not only by those who misuse their authority or power but also by those who abuse their own liberties in ways that can harm society as a whole. It warns against actions that undermine the principles of liberty and emphasizes the importance of balance and responsibility in exercising freedom.

Paradism: The practice of paradism originates with William Blake and his wife Catherine. One Spring, William and Catherine were discovered in the garden pavilion behind their small house, by an unexpected visitor, appropriately named 'Butts', naked. They were alternately reading passages of Milton to each other. This nakedness is representative of the status of mankind before the Fall, and the process is fortified by the reading of appropriate poetry. Something of the spirit of paradism is captured by Blake’s words: "The head Sublime, the heart Pathos, the genitals Beauty, the hands & feet Proportion." It should not escape the careful reader’s attention that Blake often capitalizes the divine attributes. Paradism is usually undertaken out-doors, in verdant environments, although Winter paradism sometimes occurs indoors. Please note that all spiritual benefit of paradism is sacrificed if the practice turns post-Fall, and licentiousness ensues. For this reason, the reading of Whitman is discouraged during paradism. (Something about the rhythm of verse like: "You lithe matador in the arena at Seville!/ You mountaineer living lawlessly on the Taurus or Caucasus!/ You Bohk horse-herd watching your mares and stallions feeding!/ You beautiful bodied Persian at full speed in the saddle shooting arrows to the mark!" has been known to overcome the spiritual resolve of Blaketashi couples in their early 90s.)

Labor to keep alive in your breast that little spark of celestial fire, called conscience.

It is our true policy to steer clear of entangling alliances with any portion of the foreign world.

It is better to be alone than in bad company.

It is better to offer no excuse than a bad one.

I hope I shall always possess firmness and virtue enough to maintain what I consider the most enviable of all titles, the character of an Honest Man.

Guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism.

Arbitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness.

A free people ought to be armed.

The ancient religious beliefs of Judah and Israel did differ, with the pantheon of Judah much more influenced by Egyptian motifs than that of Israel. There is very little evidence of Baal worship in Judah, but he was an important god in the northern kingdom of Israel - not just a foreign god occasionally worshipped by delinquent kings. In very early times, Baal was a weather god but, during the eighth century BCE had taken on solar characteristics, if not synonymous with the sun god himself. Keel and Uehlinger (Gods, Goddesses and Images of God in Ancient Israel) say that Yahweh (YHWH) and Baal were almost synonymous in Israel during Iron Age IIB, the period from approximately 925 to 722 BCE, the end of the Israelite kingdom. Baal would therefore have been as real to the Israelites as was Yahweh, the God who eventually dominated Judaism.

The attraction of Baal to the Israelites was the belief that he was both real and powerful. However, that worship did nothing to contribute to the downfall of Israel in 722 BCE, which was simply a matter of conquest by the Assyrians.

Benjamin Jenks has written:

'The poor man's ready companion. A lesser prayer-book for families, on common days, and other occasions. ... By B. Jenks, ..'

'The bell rung to prayers' -- subject(s): Early works to 1800, Family, Prayer, Religious life

'Prayers and offices of devotion' -- subject(s): Accessible book, Church of England, Devotional exercises, Early works to 1800, English, Families, Family, Prayer books and devotions, Prayers, Prayers and devotions, Prayer books

'A sermon preach'd at Harley in Shropshire, December 2. 1697' -- subject(s): Early works to 1800, English Sermons

'The liberty of prayer asserted, and garded from licentiousness' -- subject(s): Early works to 1800, Prayer

When the first "Complete Works" of Shakespeare was published, the plays were divided into comedies, tragedies and histories. But these divisions do not necessarily tell us much about exactly what goes on in the plays. What is more, some of the decisions as to which plays fall into which categories can appear to be arbitrary.

A lot of plays are basically about politics: the three parts of Henry VI, Henry VIII, Julius Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra, Richard II, Henry V and Macbeth. These plays frequently chronicle someone who seizes power illegitimately but then is unable to hold it (this is also a theme in Hamlet).

But Antony and Cleopatra is also about love and the struggle between love and politics is its main theme. Love and the obstacles it tries to overcome is a theme in many plays, especially the comedies where the obstacles are generally successfully overcome and the lovers end up marrying. But not always. In Love's Labour's Lost, the lovers are on the point of setting the day when a further obstacle arises, postponing their plans. In Troilus and Cressida, Cressida is basically sold to the Greeks, and the play focuses on how she and Troilus deal with this permanent rupture between them. A similar problem in Romeo and Juliet results in drastic and tragic action, as does the romance in Othello.

Some plays have to do with characters and how they change. The two Henry IV plays are all about Prince Hal (the future Henry V) and how he grows up. Macbeth deals with the disintegration of character under the pressure of guilt. Timon of Athens is about a person at one extreme being driven to the other extreme. The Winter's Tale is a long and painful journey of discovery for Leontes, the main character.

Some of the comedies are not about love. The Comedy of Errors (and to a certain extent Twelfth Night) is about mistaken identity. The Merry Wives of Windsor is about a conman being outconned by his victims (a favourite theme of Shakespeare's contemporary Ben Jonson). Slapstick and dirty jokes abound.

The Tempest and A Midsummer Night's Dream are quite fantastic, involving fairies, spirits and magicians as main characters. The Merry Wives and The Taming of the Shrew are at the other extreme, being tales of ordinary middle-class people. The fairy-tale feel to the late plays The Tempest, The Winter's Tale, Cymbeline and Pericles have caused some authers to group them and call them Romances. In these plays things get pretty bad before they get better, but in the end they do get better.

Measure for Measure is a dark play, dealing with abuses of power by officials, sexual licentiousness and prudishness, and the tricky question of whether a "crackdown" by law enforcement really does any good at all. It is one of several dark and ambiguous plays called problem plays which include All's Well That Ends Well and Troilus and Cressida. In these plays, there is a certain uneasiness about the way the plays end.

Oh, and we mustn't forget the blood-and-guts slasher horror play Titus Andronicus.

Basically, Shakespeare's plays cover a lot of ground. Just about everybody should be able to find one or two of them which suit their taste.

The concept of universal human dignity and morality is a Hebrew tradition as spelled out in the Torah and Prophets. This tradition has percolated out into our Western world and may now seem obvious. But in the ancient world it was revolutionary; and the ancient Jews were alternately admired as well as scorned for their Torah-concepts.

In contrast to the Israelites, Greek and Roman idolatry had tended to go hand in hand with cruelty and licentiousness, since the caprices which were claimed concerning the idols were adopted as an excuse to imitate those types of behavior.

Under Israelite law, everyone had recourse to the courts. A child, widow, wife, etc., could seek legal action against any citizen to redress perpetrated harm. Compare this to those societies in which only mature, land-owning males had any legal status.

Infants are to be protected and cared for, whether or not they turned out to be the gender you were hoping for. Compare this to societies in which unhealthy babies, or females, were killed. Aristotle, who was among the greatest of the Greeks, and Seneca, the famous Roman statesman, both write that killing one's young babies is perfectly acceptable. Professor and former President of the American Historical Association, William L. Langer writes (in The History of Childhood): "Children, being physically unable to resist aggression, were the victims of forces over which they had no control, and they were abused in almost unimaginable ways."

Government, among the Israelites, is accountable to a higher authority. In other ancient societies, the monarch was all-powerful. Among the Israelites, however, the king was under the constant scrutiny of the Divinely-informed prophets, who didn't hesitate to castigate him publicly for any misstep in the sight of God. And, other than for the crime of rebellion, the king couldn't punish any citizen by his own decision. He was obligated by the Torah-procedures like everyone else (Talmud, Sanhedrin 19a).

A robber repays double to his victim, or works it off. Cutting off the hand of a robber is a punishable crime. Debtors are not imprisoned or harmed. They are made to sell property and/or work to repay what they owe. Compare this to the Roman practice by which anyone could accuse a man of owing them money and the debtor could be dismembered and killed (Roman "Twelve Tables of Law" code, 3:10).

Under Israelite law, "an eye for an eye" has always meant the monetary value placed upon it by the court (Talmud, Bava Kama 83b). Roman law, however, included literal retaliation (Twelve Tables, 7:9).

A Roman father could kill his son for any reason, without trial (Twelve Tables, 4:1).

Romans were killed for the crime of slander (Twelve Tables, 7:8).

A Roman could be killed for assembling a noisy crowd at night and disturbing the town (Twelve Tables, 9:6).

Acts 15:29 outlines guidelines for Gentile believers in the early Christian church to abstain from food sacrificed to idols, blood, the meat of strangled animals, and sexual immorality. These restrictions were meant to foster unity and understanding between Jewish and Gentile believers.

By 600 BCE Sparta had conquered her neighbors in the southern half of the Peloponnese. The vanquished people, called Helots, were required to do all of the agricultural work on land owned by the victors, making Sparta self-sufficient in food and ruler of a slave population seven or eight times as large. Not needing to import anything allowed Sparta to isolate herself from the culture of the rest of the world; fearing revolt by such a large number of slaves forced the country to become an armed camp: thus was determined the character of one of the oddest societies in the ancient world.

At the age of seven Spartan boys left home to be raised by the state in barracks. When they turned 30 they could set up their own households but they still ate dinner every night with the other men. One outsider on tasting such a dinner remarked, "Now I know why Spartan's don't fear death." The nation, not the family, was the center of focus for every man. The survival of the state, it was believed, depended on the ability of every Spartan to fight and defeat at least eight Helots. To that end, boys learned from an early age discipline, willingness to endure hardship, and the skills of a soldier. As part of their basic training, Spartan youths were sent into the countryside to seek out and kill those Helots who looked as if they might become leaders in their community.

While North American children are raised on Mother Goose rhymes and the Muppets, Spartan children were told tales of courage and fortitude. A favorite concerned the young boy who endured the repeated bites of a fox rather than admit he had the animal hidden under his jacket.

If boys left home for good at age 7 and husbands and fathers spent the greater part of their life in military training with other men, the impact of all this on the lives of women must have been enormous. While there is no proof one way or another, it seems likely that Spartan marriages were arranged by the parents with little thought for the preferences of the prospective bride or groom, but if Spartan women had no say in the choice of husband they certainly had more power and status in every other respect. They married at age eighteen, much later than other Greeks. Presumably this was to guarantee healthier and stronger babies rather than a large number, but it meant that most girls were emotionally stronger when they married. In any event other Greeks clearly believed that Spartan women had far too much power for the good of the state. Plutarch wrote that "the men of Sparta always obeyed their wives." Aristotle was even more critical of the influence women had in politics arguing that it was contributing to the downfall of the country. Women did not have a vote in the assembly but seem to have had a lot of influence behind the scene.

Women could own property---and did in fact own more than a third of the land in Sparta---and they could dispose of it as they wished. Daughters inherited along with sons. Unfortunately, when we get down to the particulars there are some gaps in our knowledge. Attempts were made to get rid of the practice of needing a dowry to get married. It is possible that endeavors by fathers to get around the law have led to considerable confusion in our eyes as to what was a gift and what was a dowry. Daughters may have inherited half of what a son inherited; it is also possible that if you combine dowry with inheritance they ended up with a full share of the estate.

Spartan women had a reputation for boldness and licentiousness that other Greeks found unseemly. Women's tunics were worn in such a way as to give them a little more freedom of movement and the opportunity to reveal a little leg and thigh if they so desired. Spartan girls competed in athletics at the same time as the boys and may have done so in the nude before a mixed audience. Plutarch mentions nude rituals witnessed by young men. The end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth centuries BCE saw a decline in the number of men relative to women. Several men might share a wife and regard the children as their own. The woman would clearly be the dominant member of any such family. An unmarried man might approach a friend and ask if he could "borrow" his wife to produce a child for him. If the husband had all of the children he wanted and approved of the suitor he might agree. It is highly unlikely that the mature wife and mother lacked a strong voice in the arrangements, considering the power and status of adult women in everything else. Since marriage existed strictly for the procreation of children and not as an answer to emotional or social needs the arrangement would not have had the same meaning to them as it might to us.

Some have suggested the practice began as a way of limiting the breakup of family estates at death---a serious problem in those societies where daughters inherit as well as sons. Others regard it as an appropriate response to a disproportionate number of men and women in a society where family life was not all that important anyway.

The picture that emerges is a contradictory one. Spartan and Athenian women lived much of their lives far removed from the men of their societies. Athenian men spent time away discussing politics and philosophy, but when they went home they expected obedience from their wives and no Athenian citizen would ever admit to taking advice from a woman. Spartan men were absent even more; while they were the only ones who held official office everyone acknowledged the influence women had in decision making. Spartan women may have gained freedom from male domination, but they were even less likely to get any emotional support from their marriages. The men of Athens had to be the boss in public, but there was no such social requirement in the home behind closed doors. The overt power of the husband was replaced in Sparta by an unspoken but very real control by the state. Spartan women remained breeding machines whose purpose was to produce the male soldiers the state needed to defend itself against revolt by the Helots. Mother love was replaced by a mother's pride in her son's bravery in battle and disgust with any sign of cowardice. "Come home with your shield or upon it" was reputed to be the advice one woman gave her son as he went off to war. She may well have been speaking on behalf of all Spartan women.

In the Middle Ages, cities ranged widely in size. While large cities such as Constantinople or Cordoba might have had populations that reached a million at times, the smallest cities were hardly the size of modern towns, and some might even have been so small there populations were less than a thousand when conditions were hard. Nevertheless, there are generalizations that can be made.

First of all, in most places the defining feature of a city was the presence of a cathedral. This implied that there was probably an abbey or monastery, and there was a bishops palace. The abbey or monastery very likely included a library, monks who copied books, a school, and possibly a hospital.

Most cities had inns, some of which were hostels associated with the local monastery, which were open for pilgrims and other travellers.

Like towns (but not villages) cities had permanent market places. These had permanent shops and temporary stalls where all sorts of merchants plied their trade.

Housing ranged from fine houses for wealthy people, to lodging rooms for those who were poor. The people of the Middle Ages had wealthy neighborhoods and poor neighborhoods, which seems perhaps an odd thing to say, but was a change from times in ancient Rome. Ancient houses were built around atriums, and urban houses often had no windows looking out on the street, which allowed them to be surrounded by apartments and shops on the street side, whose residents paid rent to the person own in the house. In the Middle Ages, the house had no atrium, and had street windows, so wealthy people liked to build their houses close to each other, keeping apart from the poorer folk.

One of the things about the Middle Ages people don't think about much is that cooking was done over open fires, and this was very hard to do for ordinary people in an urban environment. The open fires had to be on ground floors for safety reasons, and the smoke was vented through louvers or vents at the top level of the roof. It was impossible for people living in lodging houses to do their own cooking, and there is some evidence that only about one person in ten had their own kitchens in cities. The result was that most people bought prepared food for their meals.

The open fires had other implications in architecture, and this dictated building design to a great degree. The fire, with its hearth on the ground floor and vents at the roof, implied that the building have one very large heated room with a very high ceiling. Other rooms looked onto this at various levels and got what heat they had from it, or were detached and had no heat. This made it virtually impossible for poor people to have a heated apartment, even of a single room. Later in the Middle Ages, after the chimney was invented in the 11th or 12th century, it became possible to have heated rooms, but their introduction was very slow, and the house without the great hall was a defining feature of Tudor architecture, a Renaissance style.

There were many different kinds of work. Trades and crafts that had high quality standards also had guilds associated with them. A child had to be an apprentice through long years to become a journeyman at a craft, and a journeyman had to produce a masterpiece acceptable to the guild to become a full guild member. The guilds regulated the trade in their own areas of interest, so if a person was a cordwainer (maker of expensive shoes and other fine leather products), or a fine baker, he was a guild member and had to conform to guild standards. People who worked at simple jobs, doing labor, had no protection from guilds, and often had to struggle to get by. In between were people who might or might not be guild members, depending on the conditions in the individual city, and these people included those who had skills, but whose clients were not wealthy; among them were people who prepared inexpensive food, potters, weavers, and so on.

Serfs and villeins who ran off the manor usually settled in cities because there was work there. The story is that if they could remain undiscovered for a year, they were free. My guess is that things were a bit more complicated than that. On the manor, the serf was guaranteed a job, a home, and protection from crime, war, and famine. In the city, there were no guarantees, and the price of freedom was the risk it entailed. A serf who repented running off might return during that year, perhaps with a feeling of defeat; but a serf who remained away for a year had presumably found work, and the lord of his manor was free of his obligations to the serf at the same time the serf was free from the lord.

People who were not members of guilds, had no marketable skills, were runaways, and such, were likely to turn to crime. Also, the manorial system had provisions for dealing with crime built into it, whereby people who were accused of crimes were the responsibility of their neighbors until they could be tried, and they were tried by people who knew them. In cities, the legal system could not function in this way, and it became very impersonal. Prisons were built because neighbors could not take responsibility for accused criminals, and the judicial system was comparatively uncaring. Punishments were modified in ways that became less a matter of compensation for victims and more a matter of intention to deter by example.

There were cultural activities ranging from theater to games. The games of medieval Europe included jousting, as we all learn from popular history, but they also include such things as football. In a city, football was typically played in an open area, such as a large square, with sides of varying numbers of people. It is said to have been remarkably rowdy with less respect for passers by than one might like. I have read of problems developing because someone decided to use the main door to a church as one of the goals, to which the priests objected.

People in cities always had to worry about sanitation. One thing misunderstood about the Middle Ages was the medieval people liked to be very clean. They had soap makers' guilds, and they had public bath houses in towns and even larger villages. The bath houses had schedules including days when the water was hot. In larger municipalities, they might always have had hot water. Rich people did not go to bath houses, but others did. They bathed in wooden tubs, and there is medieval artwork showing men and women bathing together. In fact, I have seen artwork in which a couple faced each other in the same tub, with the tubs lined up in a long row, long planks laid down across the middles of the tubs to form a table, on which a banquet was laid out. They wore their jewelry and nothing else. I have read the Church was a bit concerned by the nudity, but liked the idea of cleanliness being next to godliness, and so was puzzled about what to do.

But the problem of a water supply was important, and this was addressed in cities. In London, for example, a public works project begun in 1247 produced a conduit bringing spring water into the city. I am not sure what the access to this water was, but I believe it had to be paid for, because it seems poorer people continued to take drinking water from the Thames, and continued occasionally to get sick from it.

Many cities had walls, and others had large castles in them. Many had bustling ports. Some had industries associated with them, such as textiles, and some were known for their educational facilities.

Cities with universities were particularly troublesome. Clerics had benefit of clergy which meant that they could only be tried in Church courts. The legal definition of cleric was anyone who could read. Students, of course, could read, and therefore could not be tried by civil authorities. Where there were large populations of students, there was also a large amount of rowdiness, but in university cities, this got to the point of licentiousness. Paris was known for having problems with students who committed crimes and went unpunished.

The nineteenth is the century of the rise and fall of Napoleon Bonaparte, in a long series of bloody and demoralizing European wars ; the dismemberment of the Turkish Empire by the Greek Revolution, and of the Spanish Empire by that of Mexico and South America; the repeated revolutions in France; the War of 1813 between England and the United States; the War between the United States and Mexico; the War between the Northern and Southern States of the American Union; the unification of Germany, and that of Italy; the numerous wars of England the most warlike, self-aggrandizing, wealthy and powerful nation of modern times), for the maintenance and increase of her empire and claims, -among which contest* should be particularized her wars in 1839-1842, to force the impious opium trade, and missions incidentally, upon China-in 1840, with her allies, to reconquer Syria for the Turks from a rebellious vassal, just as England has repeatedly upheld the Turks in their frightful and wholesale massacres of "Christians" in the Turkish Empire and Asiatic provinces-in 1854-6, in connection with France and Sardinia, to defend Turkey from Russia-in 1857, to preserve her dominion in India from the Sepoy rebellion-in 1857-1860, to open China better to trade and missions-and in 1883, to take possession of Egypt, and foreclose, at the mouth of cannon and rifle, her mortgage on that abject and impoverished people, and to defend her shares in the Suez Canal and her shortest route to India; the course of England, during recent years, in forcing, by her fleets and treaties, the wretched liquor traffic upon India, Shun, Madagascar, Griqualand, etc., degrading the heathens far below their former ■condition, in order to increase her revenue; the apparent and temporary recognition, by the European nations, of a special and merciful and almighty Providence in staying the victorious career of Napoleon Bonaparte, followed by their speedy relapse into infidelity; the almost universal emancipation of slaves, and the very extensive liberation of civilized peoples from political oppression; the improvement of the manners of general society-less open indecency, intemperance, profanity and dueling; the milder character of legislation; the increase of charities and asylums for the afflicted and unfortunate; the great extension of popular education; the unprecedented progress of scientific discoveries and practical inventions, lightening physical labor, and multiplying the conveniences, comforts and luxuries of life; the discovery and mining of gold in California and Australia; the establishment of manufactures, and great increase of commerce, and excessive devotion to business and money-getting; the rapid increase of wealth, and pauperism, and demoral i/at inn, and, in most civilized countries, of recent crime; morbid sympathy for and condoning of wrong-doing; the general prevalence of quackery, puffery and dishonesty; unparalleled adulterations of foods, and drinks and medicines; the increased licentiousness of theatrical performances ; the great increase of gambling in old and new forms, including speculation in grain and cotton futures; the gradual but steady decay of the appreciation of the life-long sacredness of the marriage relation, the relaxation of the laws of divorce, and the alarming multiplication of divorces and of " consecutive polygamy " (the New England States of the Union occupying a miserable pre-eminence, and Protestant countries far surpassing Roman Catholic countries, in this corrupting disregard of the Divine law of marriage); the increasing frequency of obf oatation and foeticide, in place of infanticide practiced by the Pagans; the recent increasing corruption of the daily press, in the large cities, and of the use of the telegraph, expatiating upon all the details of crime, and thus helping to make crime epidemic; the infidel tendency of a large body of periodical literature and of science falsely so called; the impurity and corrupting influence of much of modern art; the fact that the nationsof Europe spend, on an average, four and a half times more for war than for education-that England spends about twenty dollars per year for every man, woman and child, for spirituous liquors, and that the United States spends about seventeen dollars annually per capita for the same purpose, while spending for each inhabitant only about one dollar annually for religion and about two dollars for education ;* the great increase of insanity and idiocy ; the disruption of the Roman Catholic communion (the Old Catholics, in Europe, seceding in 1870)-the Episcopalian (the Reformed branch, in the United States, going off in 1873)-the Presbyterian (the Cumberland or Arminian Presbyterians, in the western and southwestern States of the Union, withdrawing from their Calvinistic brethren in 1810; the Free Church, in Scotland, from the Established Church, in 1843; the New School, in the United States, separating from the Old School in 1837, but re-uniting in 1860; and the Southern separating from the Northern in 1861)-the Baptist (the Old School, in the United States, separating from the New School in 1828-43 ; and the New School separating into Northern and Southern in 1845; the Strict Baptists, in England, separating from the Particular Baptists in 1835)-the Methodist (dividing into about a dozen sects; and, in the United States, separating into Northern and Southern in 1844)-and the Society of Friends (some Quakers, in Ireland, becoming heterodox in 1813; and the Hicksite, in the United States, withdrawing from the old Orthodox Quakers in 1827); a very extensive decay of their ancient faith among Jews, Brahmins, Buddhists, Mohammedans and Protestants (the latter almost universally abandoning their original Calvinism for Catholic Arminianism, and many going off even into Pelagianism and Universalism); the decayed and deadened condition of Greek Catholicism ; the rigorous revival and blasphemous culmination of Koman Catholicism (Ultramontauism), regaining a significance and influence such as it had not had for centuries (the deadly wound being healed), in the re-establishment of Jesuitism and the Inquisition (1814)-the murder ofttco hundred female and nearly two thousand male Protestants in Southern France (1815)-the re-invigoration of the Propaganda Society (1817)-the founding of the Lyons Propagation Society (1822) and of numerous Colleges and Theological Seminaries-the renewed ardor of a large number of old Catholic Societies-the purchase, by the "Society for the Holy Childhood of Jesus," of about 400,000 Chinese orphan children, at about three cents apiece, in order to bring up and *' baptize " them in the Catholic communion, and the purchase of numerous pretended conversions from the lower classes of Protestants in Europe -the gathering in of thousands from the Episcopalians in England, and the very rapid increase of their numbers, in the United States, from immigration-the sending out of three thousand priests on foreign mission work, disseminating, among the heathens, the most corrupting Jesuitical casuistry and idolatry in the name of Christianity, and, at times, especially in remote islands, the most shameless French licentiousness, worse than that previously practiced by the heathens themselves- the affirmation, by Pope Pius IX., in 1854, of the sinlessness (Immaculate conception) of the Virgin Mary, "the Mother of Got!, and the Queen of Heaven" (thus still more than ever justifying and encouraging the increasing Roman Catholic Mariolatry, or idolatrous worship of Mary, to whom are addressed numerous prayers, beseeching her to persuade or command her son Jesus to graut the petitions of the suppliants)-the issuance by the same pope, in 1864, of the " Syllabus of Errors," claiming still the " Church's" poirer to use temporal force, and denouncing non-Catholic schools and the separation of Church and State-the declaration of the Vatican Council, July 18th, 1870. in the midst of a terrific tempest of black clonds and incessant lightning flash and thunder peal, of the Infallibility Of The Pope (thus making him God on earth, the last JSupreme Judge of the human race in all questions of faith and Moral*, from whose decision no one can deviate icithout loss of salratio*-see 3 These, ii. 8, 4), followed, in speedy Divine retribution, the very next day, July 19th. 1870, by the declaration of war against Germany by Napoleon III., the political supporter of the papacy, which contest in two months destroyed the Empire of France and the temporal power of the pope-and the Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII., Nov. 1st, 1885, " De Civitatum Gubernatione Christiana" (Concerning the Christian Government of States), enjoining upon all Catholics to devote all their energies to influence and control the politics of the world, and to remodel all States and Constitutions upon Catholic principles (and thus carry the world back to the midnight of the Dark Ages, and to the essentially political, as well as to the essentially formal, legal, ceremonial and conditional, religion of Pagan Rome, and to unspiritualize and corrupt Christ's professing kingdom by making it a kingdom of this world); the appearance of fresh proof that God has a people even in Roman Catholicism, or Mystical Babylon (out of whose fellowship He calls them to come, Revelation xviii. 4), in the existence of true spiritual religion among a few Catholics of South Germany, leading them to feel the worthlessness of empty pomp and ceremony, the sinfulness and helplessness of man, his absolute dependence on the mercy of God, and need of an inward union with Christ through repentance and faith, provoking far more bitter hatred and persecution than even-infidelity provokes from the bigoted followers of the pope-and in the existence of similar humble spirituality, looking beyond all creatures to God, and lovingly serving and spontaneously and cheerfully praising Him in the midst of life-long privations and sufferings, among some of the aged, poor and ignorant Catholics of Ireland, grievously oppressed by their English lords;* the remarkable outpouring of the Divine Spirit, in the first years of the century, upon England and the United States, and large ingatherings into the Protestant communions; the vast increase of the profession, in recent years, without the evident possession, of Christianity (more members having been added to the "churches" in this century, chiefly since 1850, than their entire number of members at its beginning), especially the deceiving and gathering in of large numbers of the young, particularly young females, by Sunday Schools, and by preaching loose doctrine or no doctrine, and by other myriad human means and machinery (often conducted by so-called "evangelists" at a stipulated price of from $25 to $300 per week), protracted and distracted meetings, perversions of Scripture, fabulous stories, anxious seats, mourners' benches, affecting tunes, sobs, sighs, groans, convulsions, human resolutions, handshaking, etc., etc., etc.; the secularization or worldly assimilation of the professing " church;" the substitution of money-based societies for the church of God, and of htiman learning and human boards for the Spirit of God ; the old characteristically and essentially Jesuitical principle of systematically indoctrinating the minds of the yonng with false* religion, sifting nearly the whole juvenile population through the " Sabbath School," substituting the feeble and humanly-devised influence of the " Sabbath School" teacher for the potent and scripturally-enjoined influence of the home and the church, and resulting, in a large proportion of instances, according to the most recent and extensive and reliable investigations, in filling the youthful mind with irreverent religionism and hatred of the Bible and the church ;t the establishing or getting control of seminaries, colleges and universities for the same proselyting purposes, (Protestants, in this as in numerous other matters, merely copying the old Catholic methods); the vile character of much of the fiction found in " Sabbath School" libraries ; theatrical preaching, greeted with laughter and applause ; the great increase of hireling " shepherds," who, instead of feeding the flock, feed themselves upon the flock, caring not for the sheep(whom they hasten to leave at any time for a larger price elsewhere), and lording it over the flock for filthy lucre's sake (Ezek. xxiv ; John x; Acts xx. 33-85; 1 Peter v. 2, 3); the multiplication of almost all species of worldly amusements in connection with the so-called " churches," for the entertainment and retention of the young members who, having no spiritual life, cannot partake of spiritual food, and for the raising of money for pretended religious purposes-such as strawberry and ice-cream festivals, oyster suppers, concerts, burlesque hymns, comic songs, amateur theatricals, Sunday School excursions, and picnics, and banners, and emblems, Christmas trees, Easter cards, charity balls, and " church fairs" (with their rafflings or gamblings), rightly termed " abysses of horrors," mingling* sham trade with sham charity, obtaining money under false pretenses, teaching the selfish and thoughtless patrons how to be " benevolent without benevolence, charitable without charity, devout without devotion, how to give without giving and to be paid for ' doing good,' "-thus attempting to serve God and mammon, and turning what is claimed to be God's house of prayer into a house of merchandise and a den of thieves, and loudly calling for the Master's scourge to cleanse the temple of its. defilements (Jews, Catholics and Protestants, all practicing these abominations); the increasing tendency, as in the latter part of the Dark Ages, under the teachings of the Pope of Rome, to reduce all the commandments, to one, Give Gold, as though this were the one thing needful, and every thing else were of no value, for the salvation of the soul ;* the almost universal tendency of people to try to pull the mote out of other people's eyes, and not to think of the beam in their own eyes-to busy themselves chiefly with the means and ways of morally improving others, without beginning with their own moral improvement, resulting in extravagances and abortions; the exhuming and deciphering of the ancient monumental records of Egypt, Assyria and Babylonia, all tending to illustrate and! confirm, in the most wonderful manner, the exact truthfulness of the Old Testament Scriptures, at a time when such a confirmation seems most needed by an unbelieving world; many new translations of the Scriptures; into the languages of both civilized and uncivilized peoples; the union of the Lutheran and the Reformed " Churches," in Prussia, at the command1 of the king, into the " Evangelical Church," and the revival of " Old Lntheranism " there ; the Tractarian or Anglo-Catholic movement in the "Church of England," resulting in Ritualism, Romanism and Skepticism; the formation of the Broad-Church (hi addition to the High-Church and the Low-Church) party, in the " Church of England "-" so broad that you cannot see across it," says Mr. John Gadsby, of London-" the Church of England," says Mr. A. V. G. Allen, of Cambridge, Mass., " thus remaining open to all the tides of thought and spiritual life which have swept over the nation, and thus able to retain in its folds those whom no other form of organized Christianity could tolerate ;" the appearance, in 1880, of the rationalistic " Essays and Reviews," written by seven Oxford Episcopalian teachers, and, in 1862, of " Bishop" Colenso's " Investigations of the Pentateuch and Joshua," assailing the authenticity and credibility of those Scriptures with the antiquated or surrendered arguments long current in Germany, and the acquittal of the charge of heresy, both of the Essayists and of Colenso, by the Privy Council, tlie highest ecclesiastical court in England ; the disestablishment of the Episcopal " Church " in Ireland in 1869, with its prospective disestablishment in England also, before the lapse of many years; the reunion, in 1846, of Lutherans, Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Congregatioualists, New School Baptists Methodists, Moravians, and other Trinitarian Protestants, of all countries, in an " Evangelical Alliance " (significantly apostrophized by Krummacher, in his address of welcome, " 0 heart-stirring mirage!"), on a doctrinal basis of Nine Articles, the chief object avowed being to oppose the progress of the papacy and of more than half-pnpish Puseyism ; the union of nearly all Protestants in other Societies, Associations, Diets, Councils, Committees and Conferences; the organization and operation of large numbers of Bible, Tract, Missionary, Abstinence and Relief Societies, and of the socalled " Salvation Army," with its eccentricities, profanities and delusions ; the gathering of about two million communicants into the Protestant " churches " from heathen lands; the continued home and foreign missionary zeal of the Moravians, which began in 1732,-" accomplishing," it is said, " the most extraordinary results icith the fewest means," trusting in the providence of God, choosing the poor and humble fields (not of India and China, but) of Greenland, Labrador, the West Indies, South Africa and Australia, and heroically doing rough work which others would not touch; the obliteration of almost all distinctions between the various Protestant " churches;" the cloaking of the shallowest unbelief under the popular assertions that there should be no doctrine, no creed, no church, but perfect liberty in all these matters; the notion that selfstyled sincerity, no matter what one believes, any religion or no religion, is all that is necessary for salvation; the doubt, suppression or denial, by the most of Protestants, of many of the vital truths of Christianity ; a diminished sense of sin, and a fainter conviction of the indispensability of the atoning blood of the Son of God and of the regenerating power of the Spirit of God; the Pharisaic principle of transforming religion from a saving inward reality into a vain-glorious outward show ; the general contempt and abuse of revealed religion ; a disbelief in the special providence of God extending to all the events of human Itfe ; a disbelief in the literal, verbal, plenary inspiration of the Scriptures-this species of infidelity permeating, more or less, nearly all the Protestant " churches," unblushingly avowed by their most recent and authoritative writers, and in reality degrading the Scriptures to the level of all other books, containing a mixture of ImtJis and errors, which it is left for the reader to discriminate, accepting what he pleases, and rejecting what he pleases ; the stigmatising of those who adhere to the old unpopular doctrinal truths proclaimed by the prophets and by Christ and ffis Apostles, as being " a hundred years behind the times,'" and as applying the principles of the cold understanding to the language of emotion and imagination, and too literally deducing doctrines from bold types and metaphors, while at the same time the objectors admit that the old system of doctrine is made out fairly and logically enough, but too rigidly, from the language of the Scriptures; the steadfast and immovable adherence of "a very small remnant according to the election of grace" to original apostolic principles and practices (Isaiah i. 9; Rom. xi. 5), in the face of continualblastsof tinpopularity, ridicule, slander, contempt and persecution (Matthew v. 10-12; Rom. iii. 8; Acts xxviii. 28)-only those who have eyes to see being able to discern the unworldly and spiritual motives of these despised and calumniated servants of the Most High God; the rise (or revival) of Universalism, Unitarianism, Naturalism, Anti-Supeniaturalism, ITnspiritualism, Dndoctrinalism, Superficial ism, Moralism, Philosophism, Transcendentalism, Paganism, Pantheism, Humanitarianism, Liberalism, Neologism, Campbellism, Irvingism, Darbyism, Puseyism, Mormonism, Millerism, Winebrennerianism, Two-Seedism, Psychopannychism, Non-Resurrectionism, Annihilationism, Universal Restorationism, Pseudo-Spiritualism, Utilitarianism, Rationalism, Pelagianism, Scientism, Agnosticism, Omniscienceism, Presumptuousism, Stoicism, Materialism, Evolutionism, Fatalism, Atheism, Optimism, Pessimism, Socialism, Communism, Libertinism, Red Republicanism, Internationalism, Nihilism, Destructionism, DynaTiiitism, Atrocicism and Anarchism."

"Poverty," writes Professor Patten in his New Basis of Civilization, "is at so many removes from nature that it is omitted from the diagram." Without reference to the nature of the diagram, the reason for deliberately leaving poverty out of it is very significant. It expresses the new view of poverty--that it not only is not desirable and not inevitable, but is actually unnatural and intolerable and has no legitimate place on our diagram of social conditions. Wherever and whenever a glimmering of the new view of poverty is found, there is found also increased interest in its causes. This interest grows with the conviction that it is not desirable that there should always be a certain number of men naked and hungered and in prison, even for the sake of giving certain other men the privilege of clothing and feeding and visiting them. The social cost of the graces of generosity and sympathy is too great if they can be had only by maintaining a poverty class. As soon as poverty is recognized to be undesirable, from the point of view of both rich and poor, the question arises whether it is necessary. Any attempt to answer this question involves logically an inquiry into the reasons for the existence of poverty, but as a matter of experience this step seems to be omitted. We are unwilling to concede that anything in the economy of the universe to which we seriously object must be helplessly endured. With the formulation of the question we jump to denial, and hurry on to discover, not whether, but how, poverty may be diminished and prevented. In order to do this, however, we are again driven to hunt for its causes. Every excursion after causes confirms our hasty intuitive conclusion, because the causes themselves are found to be controllable; and every confirmation of the belief that poverty is unnecessary sends us out again to search among causes for our points of attack. A genuine anxiety to get at the underlying causes of poverty has been characteristic of the "new" charity of the last thirty-five years, often disparagingly designated as "scientific." Foremost in the search have been the charity organization societies, instigated by the National Conference of Charities and Correction and by university professors, and the superintendents of almshouses and other similar institutions, instigated by the United States Census Bureau. In all these investigations the method has been the same, and it is the method employed by Charles Booth in his study of pauperism in the Stepney and St. Pancras unions. The National Conference plan, formulated in 1888, was based on one already used by the Charity Organization Society of Buffalo. This method consists in studying a large number of individual cases of poverty, indicating in each case what is considered to be the cause, then adding up the number of cases ascribed to each cause and finding what proportion they form of the entire number of cases studies. The difficulty of fixing on one cause, out of the many existing circumstances which might be regarded as causative, led to the practice of assigning "principal" and "subsidiary" causes; and some scrupulous students went so far as to grade the contributing causes on a scale of ten. This method was hailed as scientific; it was lauded at many a national conference; it was advocated and used by the most advanced and "scientific" leaders in philanthropy and social research; and only within the last few years has any objection been made to it--except by the district agents and visitors who were called upon to decide which of the circumstances in and around each poor family under their observation was responsible for its poverty. Although the objections were not based at the outset on any abstract conviction of the unsoundness of the method, it was because of the difficulties which were encountered in its application that its unscientific character became apparent. It takes courage to protest against a method established by years of use and hallowed by names of high repute, but the protest must be made; for the method is open to fatal objections, and its undisputed dominance has delayed the advance that should have been made in the study of the causes of poverty.The method rests on the assumption (1) that in very case of poverty there is one chief or principal cause, and (2) that this cause will readily be recognized by the person who is told to find it. Here, for example, is a widow with two little children. Her husband died three months ago. She has been living on the insurance, or so much of it as was left after the funeral, and on contributions made by relatives. Her husband was intemperate, and therefore there were no savings. The woman herself can do nothing to support her family, except the "day's work" that is available for even the inefficient. The children however are delicate, and one of them is sick, so that the mother can not go out. Is this family's dependence attributable to death or lack of employment or inefficiency or illness or intemperance? A good argument could be made for any one of these recognized, standard causes. The problem, however, is still comparatively simple, for the elements of environment and distant heredity have not yet been considered. It is not strange that these and similar puzzles have led investigators to select "insufficient income" as the cause of numerous cases of poverty, just as physicians enter "heart failure" on death certificates when they do not know why the heart ceased to beat. What the decision will be in any case depends not on the facts of the case, but on the more or less imperfect knowledge of the facts possessed by the investigator, plus his own bias, determined by natural temperament and education, plus his ability to recognize a cause when he sees it. In other words, the decision is merely an expression of opinion and is of no scientific value. About four years ago the New York Charity Organization Society discontinued the practice of assigning principal and subsidiary causes of need when every a case was closed. This decision was due to the discovery that a tabulation of causes of need according to districts gave an excellent photograph, not of the needy families in the different districts, but of the mental attitude of the different district agents. The percentage of need attributed to lack of work varied, for instance, from 16 per cent in one district to 67 in another; intemperance was held accountable for only five per cent in a district where many of the families were those of Irish longshoremen, but for 23 per cent in another district which had a large proportion of Italians. An examination of the case-records failed to reveal in the different districts any such variations in the amount of sickness or of idleness or of intemperance as would account for the varying importance assigned to these factors as causes. Only one conclusion was possible: that experiments along this line were primarily of interest in relation to the psychology of visitors. Since then the study of causes of poverty has been based on the study of conditions in the families. A demonstration of the fallacious character of the older method may be found in the returns from penal institutions obtained by the Committee of Fifty, and presented by them as showing mathematically the importance of intemperance as a cause of crime. In view of the popularity which this method attained and the persistence with which it was employed, it is interesting to note that its drawbacks were long ago perceived by its more intelligent supporters. It is a matter of record that problems similar to those presented above were publicly discussed. At the National Conference of 1899, for example, there was such a discussion, in which Miss Richmond, Miss Birtwell and Professor Lindsay took part. The obstacle presented by incomplete information was recognized in the rule, formulated about this time, that when in doubt you were to select the cause "farthest back" of which you were sure. The variations in the personal point of view were also recognized by some who promoted this method of research. At the same conference (that of 1899) Professor Lindsay said: The variations in the amount of poverty in different cities attributed to any one of these causes can be accounted for more rationally on the basis of differences in method and judgment of those who fill out the blanks than upon the basis of differences in the conditions of the population. But he nevertheless presented figures for three cities and accounted for differences in percentages by differences in the sanitary conditions and racial elements in those cities. The comfortable theory was advanced that the variations in personal equation might be trusted to correct one another; so that, for example, a tendency in one person to regard intemperance as the cause of poverty in every case in which intemperance is discernible will be offset by a tendency in another person to exaggerate the effect of inequitable industrial conditions. Of course these are variations which are quite as likely to be intensifies as to be neutralized by increasing the number of investigators, for there are fashions in thinking, and one-sided views are frequently held by large numbers of like-minded persons. It is not too much to say that this method of studying causes of poverty had a pernicious effect on the persons who were engaged in the collection of material. If the investigator felt no difficulty in assigning causes, the process tended to foster the false idea that every case of poverty is a simple result of one, or at most two circumstances; or if he felt the difficulties of his task, its mechanical execution tended to awaken in him a distrust of all social study, if such study must be based, as the wise ones said it must, on a foundation so little entitled to respect. These figures have nevertheless served a good purpose, for they have given occasion for a vast amount of profitable discussion, which has led us on from one view of the causes of poverty to another. The first classification of causes adopted by the National Conference had twenty-two headings: drink; immorality; shiftlessness and inefficiency; crime and dishonesty; roving disposition; imprisonment of breadwinner; orphans and abandoned children; neglect by relatives; no male support; lack of employment; insufficient employment; poorly paid employment; unhealthy and dangerous employment; ignorance of English; accident, sickness or death in family; physical defects; insanity; old age; large family; nature of abode; and other unknown. This classification had not been in use long before its defects were felt. A case of imprisonment of breadwinner was also a case of crime or dishonesty. A case of abandonment might fall also under almost any other heading. Lack of employment might be due to drink, a roving disposition, ignorance of English, insanity, accident or old age. Old age and a large family, it was seen, do not always, or even generally, involve dependence, and therefore these should not be listed as causes. The general dissatisfaction led, in 1899, on the initiative of Dr. Philip W. Ayres, to a revision of the list. An effort was made to avoid cross-classifications and to eliminate conditions not usually productive of dependence. The discussion at this time turned largely upon the difference between a "condition" and a "cause." The following classification was adopted: (1) Causes within the family: disregard of family ties; intemperance; licentiousness, dishonesty or other moral defects; lack of thrift, industry or judgment; physical or mental defects; sickness, accident or death. (2) Causes outside the family: lack of employment not due to employee; defective sanitation; degrading surroundings; unwise philanthropy; public calamity; and other unclassified causes. This is clearly a more logical classification; but during the nine years that have elapsed since it was made our ideas have been modified by the new knowledge we have gained of the relations between familiar phenomena, and we have arrived, almost unconsciously, at a new view of nearly all the causes in the first of these two groups. In general the change has consisted in moving the causes in the first group over into the second, placing them under the head "outside family." Behind "disregard and family ties" we see defective education of both boys and girls, instability of employment and the influence of institution life. Behind "intemperance" we see poor food, congested living, lack of opportunities for wholesome recreation and the power of the liquor trust. In the place of "licentiousness, dishonesty and other moral defects" (when these are causes of poverty and not, as is much more frequently the case, devices for escape from poverty) we are inclined to put our ineffectual penal methods and, again, defective education and, again, unwholesome conditions of modern city life. "Lack of industry, thrift or judgment" appears in many instances to be really the result of poverty, the physical and mental degeneration caused by years of privation showing itself in laziness and shiftlessness. Lack of industry in the grown man is not infrequently the result of premature employment which an earlier generation of social investigators would have commended as thrift. "Physical and mental defects" are today increasingly regarded as evidence of inadequate provision for the segregation and education of defectives, of neglect of the physical welfare of school-children, of unintelligent methods of instruction. "Sickness, accident and death" are analyzed. Preventable disease is traced to its causes--to bad sanitary conditions in dwellings and work-shops, to the ignorance of great numbers of mothers concerning the care of their babies, to the actions of commercial interests which make it a difficult matter for even the well-to-do to get pure milk and food, to governmental inefficiency exhibited in a contaminated water supply and dirty streets. For "accident" we read, in many cases, neglect of the employer to provide safe conditions for labor, and neglect of the legislature to require or neglect of the administration to enforce the establishment of such conditions. We know today that the great majority of deaths that cause dependence are preventable. This equivalent to saying that we have found causes farther back than "death," and that we have also found out how those causes may be controlled. In short, the recognized causes of poverty are in fact largely symptoms or results of poverty. They are, to be sure, potent to produce more poverty; they are evidences of a downward tendency and must be corrected; but they are not the "underlying" causes. Our ideas about the second group in this classification, the causes outside the family, have been less disturbed, probably because at the time they represented more recent thought on this subject. The relative importance attributed to this group as compared with the causes within the family has, however, been growing rapidly, and we read into "defective sanitation" and "degrading surroundings" an infinite number of new meanings. "Unwise philanthropy" seems to have undergone a curious change of content. It used to be applied in the case of a family in which the pauper spirit had been developed by an excess of generosity. This possibility no doubt exists; but if we were now to pick out a family whose dependence is due to the unwise administration of relief, we should be apt to select a widow broken down by over-exertion in supporting her children because we had not been generous enough in our help. An interesting tendency is noticeable, in the discussions of the last two or three years to restore to our list of causes one that had been discarded from the first classification, viz. "poorly paid employment." The conviction has been growing, among some of those who think most clearly and most carefully about these things, that there are classes of laborers whose wages, fixed by custom and not responding to the increase in the cost of living, are absolutely insufficient to maintain a normal family at the present standard of life. And we are coming, therefore, to think of "insufficient income," when it means inadequate compensation, not as a joke, but as one of the authentic causes of dependence. A new classification, which reflects the recent change in thought, was offered at the National Conference in 1906 by Dr. Lee K. Frankel. It consists of only four divisions: ignorance, industrial inefficiency, exploitation of labor and defects in governmental supervision of the welfare of citizens. Logic seems to demand that we reduce these four causes to two, cutting our ignorance and inefficiency as results. To some form of exploitation or to some defect in governmental efficiency most of the circumstances which we commonly regard as causes may be ascribed. For practical purposes, however, these two causes must be broken up into their components, and to account for all the poverty in existence, a third heading must be used expressing the defective will those chooses unwisely in the face of knowledge and the selfishness that evades responsibility. It is our faith that human nature is so susceptible to good influences that these defects may be reduced to a minimum by improving the environment. At any rate, the experiments thus far made have given reason for such a hope, and they encourage us to concentrate effort in eliminating and securing efficient government. The irreducible minimum of "natural depravity," "moral defects," or whatever it may be called, will remain and will have to be reckoned with, but may not be large enough to constitute a serious problem. A knowledge of the causes of poverty is of value in two ways. It is equally important in helping the individual family that needs assistance and in planning movements for the improvement of social conditions. We have learned that about one-third of all the deaths that leave women alone with little children to support are due to tuberculosis, and that the dying husband and father frequently leaves the disease as a ghastly legacy to one or more members of his family. We have also learned that this disease may be cured by a long and expensive treatment, and that its communication may be prevented. Our accurate knowledge of this cause results in a modification of our methods of treatment of families in which there is tuberculosis. Liberal relief is given to enable the husband, if he is the invalid, as he so often is, to take the long and expensive treatment; quick return to work is discouraged rather than urged; the family is moved to a better apartment where the consumptive can have a room alone, instead of being advised to reduce expenses by taking cheaper rooms; the children are examined, even if they seem well, in order that the earliest symptoms of contagion may be detected and danger averted; and, if all this is done in the right way, the family is not pauperized, but the man gets well and there is one less "widow with dependent children" than there would have been. Our knowledge of tuberculosis has led us also to organize what is called a "social movement" for dealing with this cause of dependence. This includes schemes for educating the public, through the newspapers, through special publications, through exhibitions, through lectures, through electric displays in the parks and advertisements in the street-cars; it includes also comprehensive plans for sanatoria and hospitals and dispensary systems, and all the other devices that have become so familiar that it is hard to realize that they are mainly the growth of the last six years. We know now, to take another example, that premature employments results in a stunted maturity and a premature old age which are causes of poverty. This knowledge saves us from the folly of inculcating habits of industry when habits of play are more needed, or of finding "easy work that can't hurt him" for an under-sized, illiterate boy of thirteen, in order to provide the last three dollars a week the family needs "to get along," congratulating ourselves that we have "rendered the family self-supporting." It leads us, at the same time, to organize all over the country a systematic campaign against child labor, in order to secure laws that will guarantee to every child a chance for the physical and mental development that he needs to ensure him against being dependent on charity when he shall have become a man with a family. Knowledge of causes is indispensable to good work in either direction, whether in helping an individual or in improving social conditions. This has been said again and again, but when it comes to applying this maxim our ideas have been rather confused. "Distress cannot be permanently relieved except by removal of the causes of distress" is the principle we have clung to. If this is as true as it sounds, then a knowledge of causes is of use only in preventing the development of poverty. It will make us improve housing conditions, prohibit child labor, provide a rational system of education, clean the streets, purify the water supply, forbid all home work in the tenements, checker the map of the city with small parks, abolish quack medicines, build hospitals of all sorts and keep in them the people who ought to be there, ensure the purity of drugs and foods, revise our entire correctional system and, perhaps, even regulate wages. In our care of individual families it will keep us alert to recognize the existence of causes that have not yet begun to show effects; it will make us urge and aid families to move from dark basements to well-ventilated rooms, to keep their children in school until they can safely go to work, to go the hospital or sanatorium when they need to do so and before it is too late, to learn how to buy and how to prepare nutritious food. But if it is true that "distress cannot be permanently relieved except by removal of the causes of distress," we must infer either that a knowledge of causes is of no help in our efforts to relive existing poverty, or that the conditions which we are trying to change, the symptoms of poverty which we are trying to remove, are in reality causes. The second alternative is the true explanation. There has hardly been a discussion of causes of poverty that has not contained a reference to Oliver Wendell Holmes's oracular statement that it is necessary to begin two hundred years ago to cure some cases of disease. This is always quoted to show that the existing conditions are not the "underlying causes," and that, in order to decide in a given case what the cause is, you must look back two hundred years. No fault can be found with this statement when it is applied to increase our understanding of present conditions or to impress us with the necessity of looking ahead two hundred years from the present in making our plans; but if it is applied to the problems of relieving existing poverty it leads to despair. The underlying causes of two hundred years ago, or even of the preceding generation, may be crystal clear to us, but we cannot affect them; the existing conditions are what we have to deal with, and our practice has been to deal with them more hopefully than our theories would warrant. The results have justified the hopefulness; and a new theory is now emerging, namely, that there is in human nature recuperative power of such strength that the removal of the existing visible effects of the "underlying causes" will do almost as well, as far as the individual case in concerned, as the removal of the causes themselves; or, in other words, that poverty is itself one of the most potent causes of poverty and one of those most responsive to treatment. This is a truth that Mr. Bernard Shaw happened upon the other day in London, when he said that the whole trouble with the poor was their poverty, and that this could be made all right by dividing among them the money contributed for charity without any intermediate waste in salaries. The newspapers of the better sort sprang to the defense of the relief methods which require salaried services, and ridiculed Mr. Shaw's pronouncement as a begging of the question. It did not beg the question; and, however naive his practical application of it was, it contained a truth which had been stated long before: "The wealth of the rich is their strong city; the destruction of the poor is their poverty." For practical purposes, the important thing for us to know, in relation to a dependent family or in relation to a community burdened with dependents, is: What adverse conditions are present which can be corrected? In the community these adverse conditions are "underlying causes." In the single families they are the results of the previous action of these or of earlier underlying causes, but they are also certain causes of future poverty. They must be corrected and their recurrence must be provided against. The first step, therefore, in the treatment of a family or a city is to find out what adverse conditions are present and to what extent; and this it he first step also in the rational study of the causes of poverty. These adverse conditions are facts, and they are ascertainable facts. They either do or do not exist in the family or in the city. Their prevalence can be measured. We have already a pretty definite idea what conditions are adverse, what conditions breed poverty, in a family or in a city; but of the extent and relative importance of these conditions we have little accurate knowledge. Our ideas as to what constitutes an adverse condition in a family are the result of a study of the characteristics of families which have become dependent. Our ideas of what constitutes an adverse condition in a city are acquired in another way: we begin, for some reason or other, generally from our observation of individual cases, to view with suspicion some feature of the city's life, and we study that feature, trying to ascertain what bad effects it produces and why it produces these effects and what can be done about it. The basis for a statement of the adverse elements present in the circumstances of dependent individuals and families is general observation, which is really an unconscious collection of statistics. Only conscious collections, of which we have few as yet on this subject, can give accurate knowledge of the relative importance of the various elements, but the unconscious collections may be trusted to the extent of basing on them a mere enumeration. The adverse conditions tending to involve dependence which have been observed are these: absence of natural care for children; lack of provision for old age; physical disability; mental defects; certain forms of criminality and moral obliquity; and inefficiency. Dependence is the normal state of children and of the aged, but this normal dependence is on relatives. Childhood, however, may be deprived of natural care by the death of one or both parents if other relatives are lacking or are inaccessible, and also by neglect of maltreatment on the part of parents; and old age may lack the children or friends or savings that are its normal accompaniments. Both of these periods, during which dependence is the normal state, are lengthening at the expense of the working period. The tendency among well-to-do families to prolong their children's preparation for life has its counterpart in the legislation which is compulsorily prolonging that of the poorest. Simultaneously the upper limit of the working age is apparently being depressed. There is certainly a tendency to begin work at a later age. The latter tendency is one which counteracting influences may and should eventually overcome; but in many occupations it has been a conspicuous feature of modern industry. At the same time the average age at death is increasing. There are thus three factors tending to decrease, absolutely or relatively, the portion of life in which a man may work, and to increase, absolutely or relatively, the periods of dependence. Until wages have fully responded by an increase that will enable the average man not only to support his children for a longer time, but also to provide in a shorter working period has been materially lengthened, this adverse condition will persist. In it we find the reason why the problem of old-age pensions has become acute; from it comes much of the misery which gives point to radical socialistic proposals. Physical disability may either incapacitate the wage- earner or merely increase the family expenses. It may consist of permanent defects, permanent or temporary injury from accident, industrial or otherwise, or acute or chronic illness. Sickness and physical disability in its various forms give to the workers among the poor in their own homes their chief occupation, and to social workers for the improvement of general conditions their best opportunity. Mental defects tending to involve dependence vary from insanity and feeble-mindedness down to peculiarities of temperament, such as obstinacy or a quick temper, which interfere with economic success. While this field of work is less encouraging, so far as improvement of the individual is concerned, there is here even greater need for a wise system of institutional care, and there is here an opportunity to introduce radically preventive measures. Crimes and moral defects are adverse conditions in the family from an economic standpoint when they result in imprisonment of the wage-earner or inability to keep work or evasion of family obligations. Desertion, intemperance and vagrancy are from this point of view more significant than the more startling crimes. Inefficiency (not amounting to defects) may be physical, mental or moral; and it may be due to such varied causes as malaria, intemperance, neglected teeth, defective education or unaccustomed surroundings. It may be environmental rather than personal, and it constitutes the first point of attack for all thorough-going reforms in the educational system. Public disasters, such as fire, flood, earthquake, volcanic eruption or tornado, produce conditions not merely adverse but wholly abnormal. Of somewhat the same nature are the abnormal industrial conditions at times of financial crisis or wide-spread strike, when men in the prime of life, of reasonable education, health, industry and capacity, find it impossible to support a normal family of the average size. But even in normal times there are adverse conditions in every American city. There are unsanitary houses, over-crowded apartments, ill-ventilated factories, germ-laden dust in the streets and germ-laden water in the mains. Little children are in glass-works or selling papers, when they should be at school or in bed. Men and women are working over-long hours in disease-breeding surroundings. The police are conniving with criminals; the courts are imposing sentences that confirm tendencies to crime. Men are exploiting, for their own profit, the weaknesses of their fellows, both as employees and as consumers. The study of causes, enlightening to the student, indispensable to the statesman, elementary to the social worker, beneficent to the poor, need not wait for hard times or times of great calamity, but may proceed at all times, under the most favorable conditions yet known in any community. Study of the causes of poverty at this stage of our knowledge should consist of investigations into the prevalence of adverse conditions. What we need to know, for practical purposes, is not whether twenty per cent or thirty per cent or fifty per cent of the poverty in existence is due to illness, but how much illness there is, of what kinds it is, how much of it is unnecessary and by what means we may eliminate the unnecessary part. What we need to know about congestion is not what percentage of criminality and dependence is attributable to it, for that we can never find out, but where the congested districts are, how far the adverse features of life in them may be overcome, and what can be done to induce or to compel people to move elsewhere. In the language of current philosophical discussion, pragmatism affords our best working program. We are to look away from "first things, principles, categories, supposed necessities" and look towards "last things, fruits, consequences," facts. We are to look for those particular ideas and facts which will "help us to get into satisfactory relation with other parts of our experience.

• Whereas, it appears in the prints of the public newspapers that in consequence of the earnest solicitations of the Governor and Legislature of the State of Georgia, the Congress of the United States did appropriate a sum of money last session with a view of holding a treaty with the Cherokees for the purpose of extinguishing their title to lands within the chartered limits, claimed by the State of Georgia, and it also appearing in the public prints that the President of the United States has appointed Commissioners in conformity to the views of said appropriation, and anticipating a call by the Commissioners, the head Chiefs of the Cherokee Nation requested the Judges to ascertain the sentiments and disposition of the citizens of their respective Districts on the subject, and to report the same to them, which reports having been accordingly made and now laid before the National Committee and Council, declaring, unanimously, with one voice and determination, to hold no treaties with any Commissioners of the United States to make any cession of lands, being resolved not to dispose even one foot of ground.

  BE IT THEREFORE KNOWN AND REMEMBERED, That we, the undersigned members of the National Committee and Council, after maturely deliberating on the subject,

  Resolved by the National Committee and Members of the Council, That the Chiefs of the Cherokee Nation, will not meet any Commissioners of the United States to hold a treaty with them on the subject of making cession of lands the property of the Cherokee Nation, as we are determined hereafter never to make any cessions of lands, having not more than sufficient for our Nation and posterity. But on any other business not relating to making a treaty of cession, we will at all times during the session of the National Council, at New Town, receive the United States' Commissioners or Agents with friendship and cordiality, and will ever keep bright the chain of peace and friendship which links the Cherokee Nation and the government of the United States.

  October 23d, 1822.

• For the better security of the common property of the Cherokee Nation, and for the protection of the rights and privileges of the Cherokee people, We, the undersigned members of the Committee and Council, in legislative Council convened, have established, and by these presents do hereby declare, the following articles as a fixed and irrevocable principle, by which the Cherokee Nation shall be governed....

  ART. 1st. The lands within the sovereign limits of the Cherokee Nation, as defined by treaties, are, and shall be, the common property of the Nation. The improvements made thereon and in the possession of the citizens of the Nation, are the exclusive and indefeasible property of the citizens respectively who made, or may rightfully be in possession of them.

  ...

  ART. 3d. The legislative Council of the Nation shall alone possess the legal power to manage and dispose of, in any manner by law the public property of the Nation, Provided, nothing shall be construed in this article, so as to extend that right and power to dispossess or divest the citizens of the Nation of their just rights to the houses, farms and other improvements in their possession.

  ART. 4th. The Principal Chiefs of the Nation shall in no wise hold any treaties, or dispose of public property in any manner, without the express authority of the legislative Council in session.

  ...

  ART. 6th. The citizens of the Nation, possessing exclusive and indefeasible right to their respective improvements, as expressed in the first article, shall possess no right or power to dispose of their improvements to citizens of the United States, under such penalties, as may be prescribed by law in such cases.

  ART. 7th. The several courts of justice in the Nation shall have no cognizance of any case transpiring previous to the organization of courts by law, and which case may have been acted upon by the chiefs in council, under the then existing custom and usage of the Nation, excepting there may be an express law embracing the case.

  ART. 8th. The two Principle Chiefs of the Nation, shall not, jointly or separately, have the power of arresting the judgments of either of the courts or of the legal acts of the National Committee and Council, but that the judiciary of the Nation shall be independent and their decisions final and conclusive; Provided, always, That they act in conformity to the foregoing principles or articles, and the acknowledged laws of the Nation.

  June 15, 1825.

• Whereas, the General Council of the Cherokee Nation, now in session, having taken into consideration the subject of adopting a Constitution for the future Government of said Nation, and after mature deliberation, it is deemed expedient that a Convention be called, and in order that the wishes of the people of the several Districts may be fairly represented on this all important subject,....

  Be it further resolved, That the principles which shall be established in the Constitution, to be adopted by the convention, shall not in any degree go to destroy the rights and liberties of the free citizens of this Nation, not to effect or impair the fundamental principles and laws, by which the Nation is now governed, and that the General Council to be convened in the fall of 1827 shall be held under the present existing authorities;....

  October 13, 1826.

• CONSTITUTION OF THE CHEROKEE NATION, formed by a Convention of Delegates from the several districts, at New Echota, July, 1827

  WE, THE REPRESENTATIVES of the people of the Cherokee Nation, in Convention assembled, in order to establish justice, ensure tranquility, promote our common welfare, and secure to ourselves and our posterity the blessings of liberty; acknowledging with humility and gratitude the goodness of the sovereign Ruler of the Universe, in offering us an opportunity so favorable to the design, and imploring His aid and direction in its accomplishment, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the Government of the Cherokee Nation.

  ARTICLE I.

  ...

  Sec. 2 -- ... and the lands therein are, and shall remain, the common property of the Nation; but the improvements made thereon, and in the possession of the citizens of the Nation, are the exclusive and indefeasible property of the citizens respectively who made; or may rightfully be in possession of them; Provided, that the citizens of the Nation, possessing exclusive and indefeasible right to their respective improvements, as expressed in this article, shall possess no right nor power to dispose of their improvements in any manner whatsoever to the United States, individual states, nor individual citizens thereof; and that whenever any such citizen or citizens shall remove with their effects out of the limits of this Nation, and become citizens of any other Government, all their rights and privileges as citizens of this Nation shall cease; Provided, nevertheless, That the Legislature shall have power to re-admit by law to all the rights of citizenship, any such person or persons, who may at any time desire to return to the Nation on their memorializing the General Council for such readmission. Moreover, the Legislature shall have power to adopt such laws and regulations, as its wisdom may deem expedient and proper, to prevent the citizens from monopolizing improvements with the view to speculation.

  ARTICLE II.

  Sec. 1 -- The power of this Government shall be divided into three distinct departments; the Legislative, the Executive, and Judicial.

  Sec. 2 -- No person or persons belonging to one of these departments shall exercise any of the powers properly belonging to either of the others, except in the cases hereinafter expressly directed or permitted.

  ARTICLE III.

  ...

  Sec. 4 -- No person shall be eligible to a seat in the General Council, but a free Cherokee male citizen, who shall have attained to the age of twenty-five years. The descendants of Cherokee men by all free women, except the African race, whose parents may have been living together as man and wife, according to the customs and laws of this Nation, shall be entitled to all the rights and privileges of this Nation, as well as the posterity of Cherokee women by all free men. No person who is of negro or mulatto parentage, either by the father or mother side, shall be eligible to hold any office of profit, honor or trust under this Government.

  ...

  Sec. 6 -- In all elections by the people, the electors shall vote viva voce.

  ...

  Sec. 15 -- The General Council shall have power to make all laws and regulations, which they shall deem necessary and proper for the good of the Nation, which shall not be contrary to this Constitution.

  ...

  Sec. 18 -- No retrospective law, nor any law impairing the obligations of contracts shall be passed.

  ...

  ARTICLE V.

  ...

  Sec. 14 -- In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall have the right of being heard, of demanding the nature and cause of the accusation against him, of meeting the witnesses face to face, of having compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor: and in prosecutions by indictment or information, a speedy public trial by an impartial jury of the vicinage; nor shall he be compelled to give evidence against himself.

  Sec. 15 -- The people shall be secure in their persons, houses, papers and possessions, from unreasonable seizures and searches, and no warrant to search any place or to seize any person or things, shall be issued without describing them as nearly as may be, nor without good cause, supported by oath, or affirmation....

  ARTICLE VI.

  ...

  Sec. 2 -- No person who denies the being of a God, or a future state of rewards and punishment, shall hold any office in the civil department of this Nation.

  Sec. 3 -- The free exercise of religious worship, and serving God without distinction shall forever be allowed within this Nation; Provided, That this liberty of conscience shall not be so construed as to excuse acts of licentiousness, or justify practices inconsistent with the peace or safety of this Nation.

  ...

  Sec. 8 -- No person shall for the same offence be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb, nor shall any person's property be taken or applied to public use without his consent; Provided, That nothing in this clause shall be so construed as to impair the right and power of the General Council to lay and collect taxes. All courts shall be open, and every person for an injury done him in his property, person or reputation, shall have remedy by due course of law.

  Sec. 9 -- The right of trial by jury shall remain inviolate.

  Sec. 10 -- Religion, morality and knowledge being necessary to good government, the preservation of liberty, and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged in this Nation.

  ...

• Whereas, in order to testify to the talented author of a series of essays publishing in the National Intelligencer at Washington city, over the signature of William Penn, and to the world, the respect and gratitude of the Cherokee people for the able exposition and defence of their rights as secured and recognized by subsisting treaties with the United States; and in order to ensure a more extensive circulation of the same, and afford to the citizens of this Nation the means of becoming more clearly acquainted with the relationship they sustain to the General Government, and the sure basis upon which they now stand upon the soil of their ancestors, as have been so explicitly demonstrated by the voluntary services of this able advocate in the cause of suffering humanity, therefore,

  Resolved by the Committee and Council, in General Council Convened, That the Editor of the Cherokee Phoenix be, and he is hereby requested to publish in pamphlet form two thousand copies of the series of essays now publishing in the National Intelligencer, over the signature of William Penn, on the "Present crisis in the condition of the American Indians,"....

  October 27, 1829

• Whereas, a law has been in existence for many years, but not committed to writing, that if any citizen or citizens of this Nation shall treat and dispose of any lands belonging to this Nation without special permission from the National Authorities, he or they, shall suffer death, therefore,

  Resolved by the Committee and Council, in General Council Convened, That any person or persons who shall, contrary to the will and consent of the Legislative Council or this Nation, in General Council convened, enter into a treaty with any Commissioner or Commissioners of the U. States, or any officers instructed for the purpose, and agree to sell or dispose of any part or portion of the National lands defined in the Constitution of this Nation, he or they so offending, upon conviction, before any of the Circuit Judges of the Supreme Court, shall suffer death; ....

  October 26, 1829

• Whereas, It has long been an established custom in this Nation and admitted by the courts as law, yet never committed to writing, that the property of Cherokee women after their marriage cannot be disposed of by their husbands, or levied upon by an officer to satisfy a debt of the husband's contracting, contrary to her will and consent, and disposable only at her option -- therefore,

  Resolved by the National Committee and Council, in General Council Convened, That the property of Cherokee, and other women, citizens of this Nation, after their marriage shall not be taken or disposed of in any manner contrary to her consent, for the purpose of satisfying a debt contracted by her husband, nor shall the property of the husband be liable to seizure, or otherwise to satisfy the debts contracted by the wife.

  November 2d, 1829

• ACT OF UNION BETWEEN THE EASTERN AND WESTERN CHEROKEES

  WHEREAS, our Fathers have existed, as a separate and distinct Nation, in the possession and exercise of the essential and appropriate attributes of sovereignty, from a period extending into antiquity, beyond the records and memory of man: AND WHEREAS these attributes, with the rights and franchises which they involve, remain still in full force and virtue, as do also the national and social relations of the Cherokee people to each other and to the body politic, excepting in those particulars which have grown out of the provisions of the treaties of 1817 and 1819 between the United States and the Cherokee Nation, under which a portion of our people removed to this country and became a separate community: But the force of circumstances having recently compelled the body of the Eastern Cherokee to remove to this country, thus bringing together again the two branches of the ancient Cherokee family, it has become essential to the general welfare that a union should be formed, and a system of government matured, adapted to their present condition, and providing equally for the protection of each individual in the enjoyment of his rights:

  Therefore we, the people composing the Eastern and Western Cherokee Nation, in National Convention assembled, by virtue of our original and unalienable rights, do hereby solemnly and mutually agree to form ourselves into one body politic, under the style and title of the Cherokee Nation.

  In view of the union now formed, and for the purpose of making satisfactory adjustments of all unsettled business which may have arisen before the consummation of this union, we agree that such business shall be settled according to the provisions of the respective laws under which it originated, and the Courts of the Cherokee Nation shall be governed in their decisions accordingly. Also, that the delegation authorized by the Eastern Cherokee to make arrangements with Major General Scott for their removal to this country shall continue in charge of that business, with their present powers, until it shall be finally closed. And also that all rights and title to public Cherokee lands on the east or west of the river Mississippi, with all other public interests which may have vested in either branch of the Cherokee family, whether inherited from our Fathers or derived from any other source, shall henceforward vest entire and unimpaired in the Cherokee Nation, as constituted by this union.

  July 12, 1839

• CONSTITUTION OF THE CHEROKEE NATION

  The Eastern and Western Cherokee having again re-united, and become one body politic, under the style and title of the Cherokee Nation: Therefore,

  We, the people of the Cherokee Nation, in National Convention assembled, in order to establish justice, insure tranquility, promote the common welfare, and to secure to ourselves and our posterity the blessings of freedom -- acknowledging, with humility and gratitude, the goodness of the Sovereign Ruler of the Universe in permitting us so to do, and imploring His aid and guidance in its accomplishment -- do ordain and establish this Constitution for the government of the Cherokee Nation.

  ARTICLE I

  ...

  SEC. 2. The lands of the Cherokee Nation shall remain common property; but the improvements made thereon, and in the possession of the citizens of the Nation, are the exclusive and indefeasible property of the citizens respectively who made, or may rightfully be in possession of them: Provided, That the citizens of the Nation possessing exclusive and indefeasible right to their improvements, as expressed in this article, shall possess no right or power to dispose of their improvements, in any manner whatever, to the United States, individual States, or to individual citizens thereof; and that, whenever any citizen shall remove with his effects out of the limits of this Nation, and become a citizen of any other Government, all his rights and privileges as a citizen of this Nation shall cease: Provided, nevertheless, That the National Council shall have the power to re-admit, by law, to all the rights of citizenship, any such person or persons who may, at any time, desire to return to the Nation, on memorializing the National Council for such readmission.

  Moreover, the National Council shall have power to adopt such laws and regulations as its wisdom may deem expedient and proper to prevent citizens from monopolizing improvements with the view of speculation.

  ARTICLE II

  SEC. 1. The power of this Government shall be divided into three distinct departments -- the Legislative, the Executive, and the Judicial.

  SEC. 2. No person or persons belonging to one of these departments shall exercise any of the powers properly belonging to either of the others, except in the cases hereinafter expressly directed or permitted.

  ARTICLE III.

  ...

  SEC. 5. No person shall be eligible to a seat in the National Council but a free Cherokee male citizen who shall have attained to the age of twenty-five years.

  The descendants of Cherokee men by all free women except the African race, whose parents may have been living together as man and wife, according to the customs and laws of this Nation, shall be entitled to all the rights and privileges of this Nation, as well as the posterity of Cherokee women by all free men. No person who is of negro or mulatto parentage, either by the father or mother's side, shall be eligible to hold any office of profit, honor, or trust under this Government.

  ...

  SEC. 7. In all elections by the people, the electors shall vote viva voce.

  All free male citizens, who shall have attained to the age of eighteen years shall be equally entitled to vote at all public elections.

  ...

  SEC. 14. The National Council shall have power to make all laws and regulations which they shall deem necessary and proper for the good of the Nation, which shall not be contrary to this Constitution.

  ...

  SEC. 17. No retrospective law, nor any law impairing the obligation of contracts, shall be passed.

  SEC. 18. The National Council shall have power to make laws for laying and collecting taxes, for the purpose of raising a revenue.

  ...

  ARTICLE V.

  SEC. 1. The Judicial powers shall be vested in a Supreme Court, and such Circuit and inferior Courts as the National Council may, from time to time, ordain and establish.

  ...

  SEC. 11. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall have the right of being heard; of demanding the nature and cause of the accusation; of meeting the witnesses face to face; of having compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his or their favor; and in prosecutions by indictment or information, a speedy public trial, by an impartial jury of the vicinage; nor shall the accused be compelled to give evidence against himself.

  SEC. 12. The people shall be secure in their person, houses, papers, possessions, from unreasonable seizures and searches, and no warrant to search any place, or to seize any person or things, shall issue without describing them as nearly as may be, nor without good cause supported by oath or affirmation.

  ...

  ARTICLE VI.

  SEC. 1. No person who denies the being of a God, or a future state of reward and punishment, shall hold any office in the civil department of this Nation.

  SEC. 2. The free exercise of religious worship, and serving God without distinction, shall, forever, be enjoyed within the limits of this Nation: provided, that this liberty of conscience shall not be so construed as to excuse acts of licentiousness, or justify practices inconsistent with the peace or safety of this Nation.

  SEC. 3. ... On all matters of interest, touching the rights of the citizens of this Nation, which may require the attention of the United States Government, the Principal Chief shall keep up a friendly correspondence with that Government, through the medium of its proper officers.

  ...

  SEC. 6. No person shall for the same offence be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall the property of any person be taken and applied to public use without a just and fair compensation: Provided, That nothing in this clause shall be so construed as to impair the right and power of the National Council to lay and collect taxes.

  SEC. 7. The right of trial by jury, shall remain inviolate, and every person, for injury sustained in person, property or reputation, shall have remedy by due course of law.

  ...

  SEC. 9. Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary to good government, the preservation of liberty, and the happiness of mankind, schools, and the means of education, shall forever be encouraged in this Nation.

  ...

  Done in Convention at Tahlequah, Cherokee Nation, this sixth day of September, 1839.

• An Act establishing the Judiciary.

  ...

  SEC. 3. ... Nine persons shall constitute a jury in any of the Courts for the trial of all civil suits, and any six of whom may render a verdict; but in all criminal cases there shall be twenty-four persons summoned, and the criminal, in open court, may challenge or object, if he chooses, to one-half of this number as the Clerk shall call their names. The remaining twelve shall form a jury for the trial of any criminal accusation, and be qualified for that special case, and no verdict shall be rendered but by the unanimous assent of the whole; and in case of disagreement, and the court being satisfied that such particular jury cannot agree, they shall be discharged from further consideration of such case, and another jury summoned in their stead for the trial of that case.

  In charging the jury, in all cases, the judge shall state the testimony and the law.

  ...

  September 23d, 1839.

• An Act authorizing the Arbitration of Cases.

  Be it enacted by the National Council, That it shall be lawful for parties to settle and adjust any dispute or controversy by arbitration....

  September 26, 1839.

• An Act prohibiting the carrying of Weapons.

  Be it enacted by the National Council, That it shall not be lawful for any person or persons, citizens of this Nation, or others, to carry secret arms, such as Bowie-knives, spears, dirks or pistols of any kind, under the penalty of being subject to pay a fine....

  ...

  October 21, 1841.

• An Act prohibiting the Teaching of Negroes to Read and Write.

  Be it enacted by the National Council, That from and after the passage of this act, it shall not be lawful for any person or persons whatever, to teach any free negro or negroes not of Cherokee blood, or any slave belonging to any citizen or citizens of the Nation, to read or write.

  ...

  October 22, 1841.

• An Act to authorize to General Convention of Neighboring Tribes of Indians.

  WHEREAS, it appears necessary for the mutual peace and happiness of the several Tribes living contiguous to each other, and from their advancing state of civilization and continual intercourse among each other, that some plan be devised, and regulations adopted, for their good understanding, and securing mutual happiness among each other,

  Be it therefore enacted by the National Council That the Principal Chief be, and he is hereby authorized to appoint two suitable persons from each District, as a Delegation on the part of the Cherokee Nation to confer with such delegate as may be appointed by the Creeks, Seminoles, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Osages, and such other Tribes as may deem it expedient, for the purpose of coming to some definite understanding for the adjudication of all unsettled business that may exist, and to enter into such international laws and regulations as may be deemed necessary for the welfare and prosperity of the respective tribes.

  ...

  December 1st, 1842.

• Compact between the several Tribes of Indians.

  WHEREAS, the removal of the Indian Tribes, from the homes of their fathers, east of the Mississippi, has there extinguished our ancient Council Fires, and changed our positions in regard to each other, and

  WHEREAS, by the solemn pledge of Treaties, we are assured by the Government of the United States, that the lands we now possess shall be the undisturbed home of ourselves and our posterity forever, therefore,

  We, the authorized representatives of the several Nations, parties hereunto, assembled round the Great Council Fire, kindled in the West at Tahlequah; in order to preserve the existence of our race, to revive and cultivate just and friendly relations between our several communities, to secure to all their respective rights, and to promote the general welfare, do enter into the following compact

  SEC. 1st. Peace and friendship shall forever be maintained between the Nations, parties to this compact, and between their respect citizens:

  SEC. 2d. Revenge shall not be cherished nor retaliation practiced, for offences committed by individuals.

  SEC. 3d. To provide for the improvement of our people in Agriculture, Manufactures, and other domestic arts, adapted to promote the comfort and happiness of our women and children a fixed and permanent location on our lands, is an indispensable condition. In order therefore, to secure these important objects, to prevent any future removal, and to transmit to our posterity an unimpaired title to the lands guaranteed to our respective Nations by the United States -- We hereby solemnly pledge ourselves to each other, that no Nation, party to this compact, shall, without the consent of all the other parties, cede, or in any manner alienate, to the United States, any part of their present Territory.

  ...

  Done in the General Council, around the GREAT COUNCIL FIRE at Tahlequah, Cherokee Nation, this the 3d day of July, 1843.

• An Act admitting to the right of Citizenship certain Creek Indians.

  WHEREAS, certain Creek Indians, with their families, emigrated from the east of the Mississippi river, in the several detachments of Cherokees that removed in 1838, and arrived in 1839: And

  WHEREAS, the said Creek Indians having been received by the Cherokees into their Nation East, under their customs and agreement then existing between them and the Creek Nation, and thereby becoming a part of the Cherokee people, and subject to the Cherokee laws, therefore, in order, to remove all doubts as to their right to live and enjoy the privileges of citizenship in the Cherokee Nation.

  SEC. 1st. Be it enacted by the National Council, That all the Creek Indians who emigrated to this country in the several detachments of Cherokees, as aforesaid, be, and they are hereby recognized and admitted to the enjoyment of the rights and privileges of citizenship of this Nation.

  ...

  Tahlequah, November 13th, 1843.

• An Act authorizing the National Treasurer to receive and receipt to the Principal Chief for $125,000.

  WHEREAS, The Principal Chief has submitted to the National Council a communication stating that he is now ready to turn over to the Nation the sum of one hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars, savings that have been made out of the arrangements with Maj. Gen. Scott, for the removal of the Eastern Cherokee under his superintendency, by the employment of public waggons and teams, their sale, &c., therefore

  ...

  Tahlequah, Jan. 8th, 1844.

• An Act declarative of the rights of the Cherokee Nation, and authorizing the appointment of a Delegation.

  Whereas, The original and inalienable rights of the Cherokee people, "as a separate and distinct Nation," are not of recent origin, but have, in their essential elements, been enjoyed and exercised by our fathers, "from a period extending into antiquity, beyond the records and memory of man;"

  And, whereas, The present organization of the National Government was established by the rightful, and unconstrained assertion of the people's will, in the adoption of the Act of Union, between the Eastern and Western Cherokees;

  And whereas, This Act of Union, and the Constitution based upon it, were confirmed and regulated in various forms, in the presence of the officers of the United States, and so reported to their Government;

  And whereas, By the adoption of the said Act of Union, the distinction of "Old Settlor" and "Emigrant," ceased and was done away; and "all right and title to public Cherokee land, on the east or west of the river Mississippi, with all other public interests, which may have vested in either branch of the Cherokee family, whether inherited from our fathers, or derived from any other source," was vested, "entire and unimpaired, in the Cherokee Nation," as constituted by that "Union;"

  And whereas, The Cherokee Nation, thus constituted, has disbursed large sums of money, in payment of claims, originating under the laws of the Western Cherokees or "Old Settlers," without the slightest distinction being made between them and those who had been called Eastern Cherokees;

  And whereas, In all departments of the Government, offices have been filled by citizens formerly belonging to every class, justice has been administered and protection afforded to all; equally and without distinction;

  And whereas, We deeply regret, that, in giving countenance to John Rogers and others, whose aim is, to form a conspiracy against the Government and integrity of the Nation; the Hon. Secretary of War should have evinced sentiments so greatly at variance with those of the President, and with the relations, actually subsisting, between the Cherokee Nation and the United States. And especially, do we regret, that in opposition to the forcible and conclusive remonstrance of the Delegation, the Hon. Secretary should have appointed a commission to make enquiries in this country, under instructions inconsistent with our National rights, and dangerous to our liberties; and the direct tendency of which is to create factions, and to disturb the tranquility of the community;

  Be it therefore enacted by the National Council, That a Delegation be appointed, to proceed immediately, to Washington, and by every means in their power, to maintain the rights of the Cherokee Nation, and to press upon the attention of the United States Government, the claims of the Cherokee people, both National and individual.

  ...

  Tahlequah, December 18th, 1844.

• Whereas, There are unsettled questions and points of interest which have been long pending between the Government of the United States and the Cherokee people;

  And whereas, The rights and claims of the Cherokees, involved in those questions, have been fully and candidly recognized by the President of the United States, in his letter of September 20th, 1841, and his views and feelings, in regard to the redress for which they ask ingenuously and unreservedly expressed, we cannot withdraw the confidence which we have reposed in the promises there conveyed to us; which assure us that a deaf ear has not been turned to our petitions and that "much attention has been given to the weighty and important subjects, 'which we had urged,' adding, 'if all the subjects presented by you on the part of your people have not been fully considered and decided, you will be able to satisfy them that it has been from no desire, on our part, to slight or neglect the wishes or interests of a Nation who have been for so many years, the steadfast friends of the U. States, and for whose rights and interests this Government feels the strongest concern.'"

  "I have looked over the several treaties that have been made between the Cherokee Nation and the United States; and I find their promises of friendship on the one part, and of protection and guardian care on the other; and I now promise you again; and through you, your whole people, that the protection and care so promised shall be given." Having declared his purpose to negotiate a new treaty, the President proceeds, "you may assure your people that" -- "not justice merely shall be done them; but that a liberal and generous course of policy shall be adopted towards them. Upon the ratification of the treaty contemplated, which shall give full indemnity for all wrongs which they may have suffered; establish upon a permanent basis the political relations between them and the people of the U.S. -- guarantee their lands in absolute fee simple, and prescribe specific rules in reference to subjects of the most interesting character to them and their remotest posterity, a new sun will have dawned upon them in whose brightness their permanent happiness and true glory may be read by the whole world."

  ...

  Tahlequah, January 13, 1845.

• WHEREAS, we learn with regret that the Commissioners appointed by the President, to investigate and adjudicate the claims of our citizens, on the Government of the U. States, have organized their board at Washington: and whereas, at such a distance from the residence of the witnesses, it will be impossible to prevent frauds from being practiced by dishonest men, while it will be difficult and expensive for just claimants to establish their rights -- and many among the poorer classes will doubtless be prevented from presenting their claims at all, therefore,

  Resolved by the National Council, That a respectful communication be made to the President, calling his attention to the subject, and reiterating the arguments used by the late Delegation, in their communication on the subject.

  ...

  Tahlequah, November 30th, 1846.

• WHEREAS, a communication has been received by the National Council from the Acting Chief, enclosing communications from the Cherokee Agent to him dated Sept. 16, 1848; also one from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, to John Ross, Principal Chief, dated August 23, 1848, accompanied by an act of the last session of Congress appropriating five thousand dollars to enable the President of the United States to remove the Catawba Indians in North Carolina, among some of the tribes west of the Mississippi river, without expense to said United States; and whereas, the said Commissioner in the aforesaid communication has submitted the matter for the consideration of this Nation, whether the Cherokees would be willing to receive the Catawba Indians, and adopt them into their Nation as their home, without any other charge than that contained in the said act of Congress.

  Be it therefore resolved by the National Council, That in the entire absence of all information respecting the numbers of said Catawba Indians and their circumstances, this Council cannot act upon the subject understandingly, definitely, and according to its intrinsic importance.

  Be it further resolved, That the Principal Chief be, and he is hereby requested to communicate with the U.S. Agent, and through him with the government of the United States for statistical information of said Catawba Indians, their entire numbers, of those mixed with the whites and those of full blood -- number of mechanics, speaking the English language, amount of annuities owned by said tribe, and by whom paid -- lands held by them if any in right of the tribe in any state, and report the same to the next National Council for their information and final action.

  Tahlaquah, October 17th, 1848.

• Resolutions directing the assembling of the Cherokee People in General Council.

  Resolved by the National Council, That the Principal Chief be, and is hereby directed to issue his Proclamation and send out "Runners," inviting the whole Cherokee People to assemble in General Council, at Tahlaquah, on Wednesday, the 7th day of November next, for the purpose of taking into consideration the importance of providing means for the payment of the National debt.

  Resolved further, That when the people shall have so assembled in general Council, the Principal Chief shall present, or cause to be presented to them, the amount of the National debt, and the annual receipts of the Treasury, subject to the payment of the same; also in what way, if any, money shall be provided for the payment of the debt; whether it shall be done by imposing a tax upon the Per Capita money due the Cherokee People by virtue of Treaties with the United States, or whether they will authorize the retrocession to the United States of the 800,000 acres of land, commonly called the Neutral Land, under proper restrictions, the investment of the principal, and the appropriation of the interest to the payment of the debt, until that shall have been done -- and then to the support of schools in the Cherokee Nation.

  ...

  Tahlequah, October 18th, 1849.

• Resolutions instructing the Delegation.

  WHEREAS, there remains unsettled business between the Government of the United States and the Cherokee people, which it is important to press to a speedy close; and whereas, it has been deemed expedient by the National Council, to appoint a Delegation ... to represent the interests of the Cherokee people before the said Government. Therefore,

  ...

  Be it further resolved, That the said Delegation, be, and they are hereby particularly instructed, to urge to a speedy close, the settlement and payment of money due the emigrant and old settler Cherokees, under the treaty of 1846, also the payment of the School funds withheld from the Nation.

  Be it further resolved, That the said Delegation are also instructed to urge upon the Government, the importance of having the Cherokee Agency located, in conformity with treaty stipulation, and the removal or discontinuance of the practice of licensing white traders to reside among the Cherokee people.

  ...

  Tahlequah, November 20th, 1849.

• An Act to provide ways and means for the payment of the National Debt.

  WHEREAS, the prosperity and fair fame of the Cherokee Nation demand the early payment of the outstanding debt which has so long repressed its energy and prospects, and

  WHEREAS, the retrocession to the United States, of the eight hundred thousand acres of land commonly known or designated as the "Neutral Land" purchased under the treaty of 1835-6, presents the earliest, most expeditious, and most advantageous method of accomplishing this great object; therefore,

  Be it enacted by the National Council, That the National Council, do hereby recommend to their constituents, the retrocession of said land to the United States.

  Be it further enacted, That in case this recommendation meets the approval of the Cherokee people and is perfected, the sum obtained therefor, shall be invested in safe and productive State or United States stock, and the interest thereon shall be collected and applied semi-annually to the payment of the National Debt now outstanding against the Cherokee Nation, in the order in which it has been incurred, till the whole of said debt shall be paid.

  ...

  Be it further enacted, That the Principal Chief do convene the Cherokee people in general Council at Tahlequah, the 20th day of November, 1851, for the purpose of submitting to them the foregoing act for their consideration and action.

  Be it further enacted, That the Principal Chief be, and he is hereby requested to co-operate with the National Council, in bringing before the people when assembled, the amount of the National debt, and the importance of providing means for the payment of same. And also to make all necessary arrangements for the accommodation of the people while assembled in compliance of the foregoing act.

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Angelou

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Armour

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Balfour

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Barlow

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Baudouin

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Bellow

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Beowulf

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Bernoulli

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Brown

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Darrow

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Dartmouth

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Debouillet

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Doctorow

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Doug

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Marylou

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Mayflower

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South

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