Johannes Kepler (December 27 1571 – November 15 1630) was a German
mathematician, astronomer and astrologer, and a key figure in the 17th century astronomical
revolution. He is best known for his eponymous laws of planetary motion, codified by later astronomers based on his works
Astronomia nova, Harmonices
Mundi, and Epitome of Copernican Astronomy.
Before Kepler, planets' paths were computed by combinations of the circular motions of the
celestial orbs. After Kepler, astronomers shifted their attention from orbs to
orbits—paths that could be represented mathematically as an ellipse.[1][2] Kepler's laws also provided one of the foundations for Isaac Newton's theory of universal
gravitation.
During his career, Kepler was a mathematics teacher at a seminary school in Graz,
Austria, an assistant to astronomer Tycho Brahe, the court
mathematician to Emperor Rudolf II, a mathematics teacher in
Linz, Austria, and an adviser to General Wallenstein. He also did fundamental work in the field of optics and helped to legitimize the telescopic discoveries of his contemporary
Galileo Galilei.
Kepler lived in an era when there was no clear distinction between astronomy and astrology, but there was a strong division
between astronomy (a branch of mathematics within the liberal
arts) and physics (a branch of the more prestigious discipline of natural philosophy). Kepler also incorporated religious arguments and reasoning into his work,
motivated by the religious conviction that God had created the world according to an intelligible plan that is accessible through
the natural light of reason.[3] Kepler described his new astronomy as "celestial physics",[4] as "an excursion into Aristotle's
Metaphysics",[5] and as "a supplement to Aristotle's On the
Heavens",[6] transforming the ancient tradition
of physical cosmology by treating astronomy as part of a universal mathematical physics.[7]
Early years
The
Great Comet of 1577, which Kepler witnessed as a child, attracted the attention
of astronomers across Europe.
Kepler was born on December 27 1571, at the
Imperial Free City of Weil der Stadt (now
part of the Stuttgart Region in the German state of Baden-Württemberg, 30 km west of Stuttgart's center). His grandfather, Sebald Kepler, had been
Lord Mayor of that town, but by the time Johannes was born, the Kepler family fortunes were in decline. His father, Heinrich
Kepler, earned a precarious living as a mercenary, and he left the family when Johannes was
five years old. He was believed to have died in the Eighty Years' War in the Netherlands.
His mother Katharina Guldenmann, an inn-keeper's daughter, was a healer and herbalist who was later tried for witchcraft. Born prematurely, Johannes claimed to have been a weak and sickly child. He was, however, a
brilliant child; he often impressed travelers at his grandfather's inn with his phenomenal mathematical faculty.[8]
He was introduced to astronomy at an early age, and developed a love for it that would span his entire life. At age six, he
observed the Great Comet of 1577, writing that he "was taken by [his] mother to a
high place to look at it."[9] At age
nine, he observed another astronomical event, the Lunar eclipse of 1580, recording that he remembered being "called outdoors" to see it and that the moon "appeared quite
red".[9] However, childhood
smallpox left him with weak vision and crippled hands, limiting his ability in the
observational aspects of astronomy.[10]
In 1589, after moving through grammar school, Latin school, and lower and higher seminary in the
Württemberg state-run Protestant education system, Kepler began attending the
University of Tübingen as a theology student. He proved himself to be a superb mathematician and earned a reputation as a skillful
astrologer, casting horoscopes for fellow students. Under
the instruction of Michael Maestlin, he learned both the Ptolemaic system and the Copernican system of planetary motion.
He became a Copernican at that time. In a student disputation, he defended heliocentrism
from both a theoretical and theological perspective, maintaining that the Sun was the principal
source of motive power in the universe.[11] Despite his
desire to become a minister, near the end of his studies Kepler was recommended for a position as teacher of mathematics and
astronomy at the Protestant school in Graz, Austria (later
the University of Graz). He accepted the position in April 1594, at the age of 23.[12]
Graz (1594–1600)
Mysterium Cosmographicum
Kepler's first major astronomical work, Mysterium Cosmographicum
(The Cosmographic Mystery), was the first published defense of the Copernican system. Kepler claimed to have had an
epiphany on July 19, 1595, while teaching in Graz, demonstrating
the periodic conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in the zodiac; he realized that regular
polygons bound one inscribed and one circumscribed circle at definite ratios, which, he reasoned, might be the geometrical
basis of the universe. After failing to find a unique arrangement of polygons that fit known astronomical observations (even with
extra planets added to the system), Kepler began experimenting with 3-dimensional polyhedra.
He found that each of the five Platonic solids could be uniquely inscribed and
circumscribed by spherical orbs; nesting these solids, each encased in a sphere,
within one another would produce six layers, corresponding to the six known planets—Mercury, Venus, Earth,
Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. By ordering the solids correctly—octahedron,
icosahedron, dodecahedron, tetrahedron, cube—Kepler found that the spheres could be placed at intervals
corresponding (within the accuracy limits of available astronomical observations) to the relative sizes of each planet’s path,
assuming the planets circle the Sun. Kepler also found a formula relating the size of each planet’s orb to the length of its
orbital period: from inner to outer planets, the ratio of increase in orbital period is
twice the difference in orb radius. However, Kepler later rejected this formula, because it was not precise enough.[13]
Closeup of inner section of the model
As he indicated in the title, Kepler thought he had revealed God’s geometrical plan for the universe. Much of Kepler’s
enthusiasm for the Copernican system stemmed from his theological convictions about the
connection between the physical and the spiritual; the universe itself was an image of
God, with the Sun corresponding to the Father, the stellar sphere to the
Son, and the intervening space between to the Holy Spirit.
His first manuscript of Mysterium contained an extensive chapter reconciling heliocentrism with biblical passages that
seemed to support geocentrism.[14]
With the support of his mentor Michael Maestlin, Kepler received permission from the
Tübingen university senate to publish his manuscript, pending removal of the Bible exegesis and the addition of a simpler, more
understandable description of the Copernican system as well as Kepler’s new ideas. Mysterium was published late in
1596, and Kepler received his copies and began sending them to prominent astronomers and patrons
early in 1597; it was not widely read, but it established Kepler’s reputation as a highly skilled
astronomer. The effusive dedication, to powerful patrons as well as to the men who controlled his position in Graz, also provided
a crucial doorway into the patronage system.[15]
Though the details would be modified in light of his later work, Kepler never relinquished the Platonist polyhedral-spherist
cosmology of Mysterium Cosmographicum. His subsequent main astronomical works were in some sense only further developments
of it, concerned with finding more precise inner and outer dimensions for the spheres by calculating the eccentricities of the
planetary orbits within it. In 1621 Kepler published an expanded second edition of Mysterium, half as long again as the
first, detailing in footnotes the corrections and improvements he had achieved in the 25 years since its first
publication.[16]
Marriage to Barbara Müller
Portraits of Kepler and his wife in oval medallions
In December 1595, Kepler was introduced to Barbara Müller, a 23-year-old widow (twice over) with a young daughter, and he
began courting her. Müller, heir to the estates of her late husbands, was also the daughter of a successful mill owner. Her
father Jobst initially opposed a marriage despite Kepler's nobility; though he had inherited his grandfather's nobility, Kepler's
poverty made him an unacceptable match. Jobst relented after Kepler completed work on Mysterium, but the engagement nearly
fell apart while Kepler was away tending to the details of publication. However, church officials—who had helped set up the
match—pressured the Müllers to honor their agreement. Barbara and Johannes were married on April
27, 1597.[17]
In the first years of their marriage, the Keplers had two children (Heinrich and Susanna), both of whom died in infancy. In
1602, they had a daughter (Susanna); in 1604, a son (Friedrich); in 1607, another son (Ludwig).[18]
Other research in Graz
Following the publication of Mysterium and with the blessing of the Graz school inspectors, Kepler began an ambitious
program to extend and elaborate his work. He planned four additional books: one on the stationary aspects of the universe (the
Sun and the fixed stars); one on the planets and their motions; one on the physical nature of planets and the formation of
geographical features (focused especially on Earth); and one on the effects of the heavens on the Earth, to include atmospheric
optics, meteorology and astrology.[19]
He also sought the opinions of many of the astronomers to whom he had sent Mysterium, among them Reimarus Ursus (Nicolaus Reimers Bär) —the imperial mathematician to Rudolph II and a bitter rival of Tycho Brahe. Ursus
did not reply directly, but republished Kepler's flattering letter to pursue his priority dispute over (what is now called) the
Tychonic system with Tycho. Despite this black mark, Tycho also began corresponding with
Kepler, starting with a harsh but legitimate critique of Kepler's system; among a host of objections, Tycho took issue with the
use of inaccurate numerical data taken from Copernicus. Through their letters, Tycho
and Kepler discussed a broad range of astronomical problems, dwelling on lunar phenomena and Copernican theory (particularly its
theological viability). But without the significantly more accurate data of Tycho's observatory, Kepler had no way to address
many of these issues.[20]
Instead, he turned his attention to chronology and "harmony," the numerological relationships among music, mathematics and the physical world, and their astrological consequences. By assuming the Earth to possess a soul (a property he would later invoke to
explain how the sun causes the motion of planets), he established a speculative system connecting astrological aspects and astronomical distances to weather and
other earthly phenomena. By 1599, however, he again felt his work limited by the inaccuracy of available data—just as growing
religious tension was also threatening his continued employment in Graz. In December of that year, Tycho invited Kepler to visit
him in Prague; on January 1, 1600 (before he even received the invitation), Kepler set off in the hopes that Tycho's patronage could solve his
philosophical problems as well as his social and financial ones.[21]
Prague (1600–1612)
Work for Tycho Brahe
On February 4, 1600, Kepler met Tycho and his assistants
Franz Tengnagel and Longomontanus at Benátky nad Jizerou
(~50 km from Prague), the site where Tycho's new observatory was being constructed. Over the next two months he stayed as a
guest, analyzing some of Tycho's observations of Mars; Tycho guarded his data closely, but was
impressed by Kepler's theoretical ideas and soon allowed him more access. Kepler planned to test his theory from Mysterium
Cosmographicum based on the Mars data, but he estimated that the work would take up to two years (since he was not allowed to
simply copy the data for his own use). With the help of Johannes Jessenius, Kepler
attempted to negotiate a more formal employment arrangement with Tycho, but negotiations broke down in an angry argument and
Kepler left for Prague on April 6. Kepler and Tycho soon reconciled and eventually reached an
agreement on salary and living arrangements, and in June Kepler returned home to Graz to collect his family.[22]
Political and religious difficulties in Graz dashed his hopes of returning immediately to Tycho; in hopes of continuing his
astronomical studies, Kepler sought an appointment as mathematician to Archduke
Ferdinand. To that end, Kepler composed an essay—dedicated to Ferdinand—in which he proposed a force-based theory of lunar
motion (In Terra inest virtus, quae Lunam ciet—"There is a force in the earth which causes the moon to move").[23] Though the essay did not earn him a place in Ferdinand's
court, it did detail a new method for measuring lunar eclipses, which he applied during
the July 10 eclipse in Graz. These observations formed the basis of his explorations of the laws of optics that would culminate
in Astronomiae Pars Optica.[24]
On August 2, 1600, after refusing to convert to Catholicism,
Kepler and his family were banished from Graz; several months later, Kepler returned, now with the rest of his household, to
Prague. Through most of 1601, he was supported directly by Tycho, who assigned him to analyzing planetary observations and
writing a tract against Tycho's (now deceased) rival Ursus. In September, Tycho secured him a commission as a collaborator on the
new project he had proposed to the emperor: the Rudolphine Tables that should
replace the Prussian Tables of Erasmus
Reinhold. Two days after Tycho's unexpected death on October 24, 1601, Kepler was appointed his successor as imperial mathematician; he inherited Tycho's observations as well as
the responsibility to complete his unfinished work. The next 11 years as imperial mathematician would be the most productive of
his life.[25]
Advisor to Emperor Rudolph II
Kepler's primary obligation as imperial mathematician was to provide astrological advice to the emperor. Though Kepler took a
dim view of the attempts of contemporary astrologers to precisely predict the future or divine specific events, he had been
casting detailed horoscopes for friends, family and patrons since his time as a student in
Tübingen. In addition to horoscopes for allies and foreign leaders, the emperor sought Kepler's advice in times of political
trouble (though Kepler's recommendations were based more on common sense than the stars). Rudolph was actively interested in the
work of many of his court scholars (including numerous alchemists) and kept up with Kepler's work in physical astronomy as
well.[26]
Officially, the only acceptable religious doctrines in Prague were Catholic and
Utraquist, but Kepler's position in the imperial court allowed him to practice his Lutheran
faith unhindered. The emperor nominally provided an ample income for his family, but the difficulties of the over-extended
imperial treasury meant that actually getting hold of enough money to meet financial obligations was a continual struggle. Partly
because of financial troubles, his life at home with Barbara was unpleasant, marred with bickering and bouts of sickness. Court
life, however, brought Kepler into contact with other prominent scholars (Johannes
Matthäus Wackher von Wackhenfels, Jost Bürgi, David
Fabricius, Martin Bachazek, and Johannes Brengger, among others) and astronomical work proceeded rapidly.[27]
Astronomiae Pars Optica
A plate from
Astronomiae Pars Optica, illustrating the structure of eyes.
As he continued analyzing Tycho's Mars observations—now available to him in their entirety—and began the slow process of
tabulating the Rudolphine Tables, Kepler also picked up the investigation of the laws of optics from his lunar essay of
1600. Both lunar and solar eclipses presented unexplained phenomena, such as unexpected
shadow sizes, the red color of a total lunar eclipse, and the reportedly unusual light surrounding a total solar eclipse. Related
issues of atmospheric refraction applied to all astronomical observations.
Through most of 1603, Kepler paused his other work to focus on optical theory; the resulting manuscript, presented to the emperor
on January 1, 1604, was published as Astronomiae Pars
Optica (The Optical Part of Astronomy). In it, Kepler described the inverse-square law governing the intensity of
light, reflection by flat and curved mirrors, and principles of pinhole cameras, as well
as the astronomical implications of optics such as parallax and the apparent sizes of heavenly
bodies. Astronomiae Pars Optica is generally recognized as the foundation of modern optics (though the law of refraction is conspicuously absent).[28]
The supernova of 1604
Remnant of Kepler's Supernova
SN 1604
In October 1604, a bright new evening star (SN 1604) appeared, but Kepler did not believe the
rumors until he saw it himself. Kepler began systematically observing the star. Astrologically, the end of 1603 marked the
beginning of a fiery trigon, the start of the ca. 800-year cycle of great conjunctions; astrologers associated the two previous such periods with the rise of
Charlemagne (ca. 800 years earlier) and the birth of Christ
(ca. 1600 years earlier), and thus expected events of great portent, especially regarding the emperor. It was in this context, as
the imperial mathematician and astrologer to the emperor, that Kepler described the new star two years later in his De Stella
Nova. In it, Kepler addressed the star's astronomical properties while taking a skeptical approach to the many astrological
interpretations then circulating. He noted its fading luminosity, speculated about its origin, and used the lack of observed
parallax to argue that it was in the sphere of fixed stars, further undermining the doctrine of the immutability of the heavens
(the idea accepted since Aristotle that the celestial spheres were perfect and
unchanging). In an appendix, Kepler also discussed the recent chronology work of Laurentius
Suslyga; he calculated that, if Suslyga was correct that accepted timelines were four years behind, then the Star of Bethlehem—analogous to the present new star—would have coincided with the first great
conjunction of the earlier 800-year cycle.[29]
The location of the
stella nova, in the foot of
Ophiuchus, is marked with an
N
(8 grid squares down, 4 over from the left).
Astronomia nova
The extended line of research that culminated in Astronomia nova (A New
Astronomy) —including the first two laws of planetary motion—began
with the analysis, under Tycho's direction, of Mars' orbit. Kepler calculated and recalculated
various approximations of Mars' orbit using an equant (the mathematical tool that Copernicus had
eliminated with his system), eventually creating a model that generally agreed with Tycho's observations to within two
arcminutes (the typical measurement error). But he was not satisfied with the complex and
still slightly inaccurate result; at certain points the model differed from the data by up to eight arcminutes. The wide array of
traditional mathematical astronomy methods having failed him, Kepler set about trying to fit an ovoid orbit to the data.[30]
Within Kepler's religious view of the cosmos, the Sun (a symbol of God the Father) was
the source of motive force in the solar system. As a physical basis, Kepler drew by analogy on William Gilbert's theory of the magnetic soul of the Earth from De
Magnete (1600) and on his own work on optics. Kepler supposed that the motive power (or motive species)
radiated by the Sun weakens with distance, causing faster or slower motion as planets move closer or farther from it.[31] Perhaps this assumption entailed a mathematical relationship
that would restore astronomical order. Based on measurements of the aphelion and perihelion of the Earth and Mars, he created a formula in which a planet's rate of motion is inversely
proportional to its distance from the Sun. Verifying this relationship throughout the orbital cycle, however, required very
extensive calculation; to simplify this task, by late 1602 Kepler reformulated the proportion in terms of geometry: planets
sweep out equal areas in equal times—the second law of planetary motion.[32]
He then set about calculating the entire orbit of Mars, using the geometrical rate law and assuming an egg-shaped
ovoid orbit. After approximately 40 failed attempts, in early 1605 he at last hit upon the idea of
an ellipse, which he had previously assumed to be too simple a solution for earlier astronomers
to have overlooked. Finding that an elliptical orbit fit the Mars data, he immediately concluded that all planets move in
ellipses, with the sun at one focus—the first law of planetary motion. Because he employed no calculating assistants,
however, he did not extend the mathematical analysis beyond Mars. By the end of the year, he completed the manuscript for
Astronomia nova, though it would not be published until 1609 due to legal disputes over the use of Tycho's observations,
the property of his heirs.[33]
Dioptrice, the Somnium manuscript, and other work
In the years following the completion of Astronomia Nova, most of Kepler's research was focused on preparations for the
Rudolphine Tables and a comprehensive set of ephemerides (specific predictions of
planet and star positions) based on the table (though neither would be completed for many years). He also attempted
(unsuccessfully) to begin a collaboration with Italian astronomer Giovanni Antonio
Magini. Some of his other work dealt with chronology, especially the dating of events in the life of Jesus, and with astrology, especially criticism of dramatic
predictions of catastrophe such as those of Helisaeus Roeslin.[34]
Kepler and Roeslin engaged in series of published attacks and counter-attacks, while physician Philip Feselius published a
work dismissing astrology altogether (and Roeslin's work in particular). In response to what Kepler saw as the excesses of
astrology on the one hand and overzealous rejection of it on the other, Kepler prepared Tertius Interveniens
(Third-party Interventions). Nominally this work—presented to the common patron of Roeslin and Feselius—was a neutral
mediation between the feuding scholars, but it also set out Kepler's general views on the value of astrology, including some
hypothesized mechanisms of interaction between planets and individual souls. While Kepler considered most traditional rules and
methods of astrology to be the "evil-smelling dung" in which "an industrious hen" scrapes, there was "also perhaps a good little
grain" to be found by the conscientious scientific astrologer.[35]
In the first months of 1610, Galileo Galilei—using his powerful new telescope—discovered four satellites orbiting Jupiter. Upon publishing his
account as Sidereus Nuncius (Starry Messenger), Galileo sought the
opinion of Kepler, in part to bolster the credibility of his observations. Kepler responded enthusiastically with a short
published reply, Dissertatio cum Nuncio Sidereo (Conversation with the Starry Messenger). He endorsed Galileo's
observations and offered a range of speculations about the meaning and implications of Galileo's discoveries and telescopic
methods, for astronomy and optics as well as cosmology and astrology. Later that year, Kepler published his own telescopic
observations of the moons in Narratio de Jovis Satellitibus, providing further support of Galileo. To Kepler's
disappointment, however, Galileo never published his reactions (if any) to Astronomia Nova.[36]
After hearing of Galileo's telescopic discoveries, Kepler also started a theoretical and experimental investigation of
telescopic optics. The resulting manuscript was completed in September of 1610 and published as Dioptrice in 1611. In it,
Kepler set out the theoretical basis of double-convex converging lenses and double-concave diverging lenses—and how they are
combined to produce a Galilean telescope—as well as the concepts of
real vs. virtual images, upright vs. inverted images,
and the effects of focal length on magnification and reduction. He also described an improved telescope—now known as the
astronomical or Keplerian telescope—in which two convex lenses can
produce higher magnification than Galileo's combination of convex and concave lenses.[37]
One of the diagrams from
Strena Seu de Nive Sexangula, illustrating the
Kepler
conjecture
Around 1611, Kepler circulated a manuscript of what would eventually be published (posthumously) as Somnium (The Dream). Part of the purpose of Somnium was to describe what practicing
astronomy would be like from the perspective of another planet, to show the feasibility of a non-geocentric system. The
manuscript, which disappeared after changing hands several times, described a fantastic trip to the moon; it was part allegory,
part autobiography, and part treatise on interplanetary travel (and is sometimes described as the first work of science fiction). Years later, a distorted version of the story may have instigated the witchcraft trial
against his mother, as the mother of the narrator consults a demon to learn the means of space travel. Following her eventual
acquittal, Kepler composed 223 footnotes to the story—several times longer than the actual text—which explained the allegorical
aspects as well as the considerable scientific content (particularly regarding lunar geography) hidden within the text.[38]
As a New Year's gift that year, he also composed for his friend and some-time patron Baron Wackher von Wackhenfels a short
pamphlet entitled Strena Seu de Nive Sexangula (A New Year's Gift of Hexagonal Snow). In this treatise, he
investigated th