The climate of an area, defined as the aggregate of weather conditions over time, is constructed from monthly, seasonal, and annual averages of weather elements, such as temperature and precipitation, combined with statements about the frequency of extreme events, such as droughts or tornadoes. Historically, climate has had important economic implications for agriculture, transportation, and settlement. Climatology, or the scientific study of climate, dates to the mid-nineteenth century and includes such specialties as applied climatology, climate dynamics, and climate change.
The classical heritage related the climate of an area uniquely to its latitude. Climate, from the Greek klima, meaning "inclination," was originally thought to depend only on the height of the sun above the horizon, modified in part by special local characteristics. Climate and health have also been closely related throughout history. According to the Hippocratic tradition of ancient Greece, a physician should consider the seasons of the year and what effects each of them produces; the location of a city with respect to winds, waters, terrain, and the rising of the sun; and the particulars of the weather. These were keys to diagnosing and treating diseases in a given location.
The Puzzle of the Early American Climate
Because of its seemingly favorable location in latitudes farther south than most European nations, the New World was expected to have a warm, exotic climate. Initially, colonists and their sponsors envisioned a rich harvest of wine, silk, olive oil, sugar, and spices from their investment. In 1588 the colonial promoter Thomas Harriot pointed out that Virginia was located on the same parallel of latitude as many exotic places, including Persia,
China, and Japan in the East and southern Greece, Italy, and Spain in the West. The reality was much different, however. Early settlers in the Americas found the climate harsher and the storms more frequent and more powerful than in the Old World. In 1644 the Reverend John Campanius of Swedes' Fort, Delaware, wrote of violent winds, unknown in Europe, which tore mighty oaks out of the ground. Another colonist in New Sweden, Thomas Campanius Holm, described rainstorms in which the whole sky was filled with smoke and flames. James Mac Sparran, a missionary to Rhode Island between 1721 and 1757, warned against immigrating to America because the climate was unhealthy, with excessive heat and cold, sudden changes of weather, unwholesome air, and terrible thunder and lightning.
Because of such reports, many Europeans held considerable disdain for the New World and for its climate, soil, animals, and indigenous peoples. The noted Parisian naturalist Georges-Louis Leclerc de Buffon speculated that, because of the cool and humid climate, the flora and fauna of the New World were degenerate. The celebrated botanist and traveler Pehr Kalm observed, rightly or not, that every life-form had less stamina in the New World. People died younger, women reached menopause earlier, soldiers lacked the vitality of their English counterparts, and even the imported cattle were smaller. He pointed to climatic influences as the probable cause.
Citizens in colonial and early America were quite defensive about these opinions and argued that clearing the forests, draining the swamps, and cultivating the land would improve the climate by changing the temperature and rainfall patterns. No general agreement, however, emerged about the direction or magnitude of the change. The Reverend Cotton Mather wrote in the Christian Philosopher (1721) that he believed it was getting warmer. Benjamin Franklin agreed, noting that compared to forested lands, cleared land absorbs more heat and melts snow quicker. In his Notes on the State of Virginia (1785), addressed to a European audience, Thomas Jefferson presented an apology for the harsh American climate and an optimistic prognosis for its improvement by human activities. Hugh Williamson of Harvard College spoke for his generation when he wrote in Observations on the Climate in Different Parts of America (1811) that settlement would result in a temperate climate and clear atmosphere that would serve as "a proper nursery of genius, learning, industry and the liberal arts." In his mind such changes added up to a continent better suited to white settlers and less suited to aboriginal inhabitants.
Climate Observations and Medical Meteorology
The first comprehensive series of meteorological observations in America, taken by John Lining, a physician in Charleston, were related to his medical concerns. In 1740, Lining collected the intake and outflow of his own body for a period of one year in an effort to understand how the weather affected bodily humors and epidemic diseases. Related efforts by Lionel Chalmers, An Account of the Weather and Diseases of South Carolina (1776); William Currie, An Historical Account of the Climates and Diseases of the United States of America (1792); and Noah Webster, A Brief History of Epidemic and Pestilential Diseases (1799) linked regional health conditions to climate and extreme weather events.
Jefferson and the Reverend James Madison began the first simultaneous comparative meteorological measurements in America in 1778. As president of the American Philosophical Society, Jefferson collected weather journals from around the county. He also directed the Lewis and Clark expedition (1804–1806) to take weather observations along the Missouri River and in the Pacific Northwest. Jefferson was a strong advocate for a national meteorological system and encouraged the federal government to supply observers in each county of each state with accurate instruments. Although such a system was not established in his lifetime, many government agencies soon began collecting and compiling observations. During the War of 1812, the surgeon general of the army, James Tilton, ordered the physicians under his command to "keep a diary of the weather" and to file detailed reports on the effects of the climate on the health of the troops. This was because more soldiers were falling ill in camp than were being injured in military engagements. The U.S. Army Medical Department continued its system of taking meteorological measurements at army posts across the country until 1874, in part to document potential changes in the climate. Other early governmental systems included the General Land Office (1817–1821), interested primarily in settlement west of the Appalachian Mountains, and academies in the state of New York (1825–1850), where students collected climatic and phenological statistics. In the 1850s, the U.S. Navy compiled wind and weather charts for the oceans under the direction of Matthew Fontaine Maury.
Under the direction of Joseph Henry, the Smithsonian Institution served as a national center to advance and coordinate meteorological research. The institution conducted storm studies, experimented with telegraphic weather prediction, and collected climate statistics. It also served as a clearinghouse for cooperative observations taken by the navy, the army topographical engineers, the Patent Office, the Coast Survey, the Department of Agriculture, and the government of Canada. Projects completed with Smithsonian data included Climatology of the United States (1857) by Lorin Blodget, Winds of the Globe (1875) by James Henry Coffin, and theoretical studies of the general circulation of the Earth's atmosphere by William Ferrel.
In 1858, Ferrel announced a new theory of fluid mechanics that explained both meridional (E-W) and zonal (N-S) wind flows on the rotating Earth. He wrote equations of motion that accounted for most of the observed features of the general circulation: three vertical circulation cells instead of just one traditional "Hadley cell," high-velocity westerly winds in midlatitudes in both hemispheres, easterly trade winds in the tropics, and low pressure with easterly winds near the poles. Later commentators referred to Ferrel's theory as the "principia meteorologica" because of its fundamental implications for subsequent studies of climate dynamics.
In 1870, Congress established the first national weather service and placed it under the auspices of the Army Signal Office. Colonel Albert J. Myer became the first director of a well-funded national storm warning system employing the nation's telegraphy circuits "for the benefit of commerce and agriculture." In addition to providing daily reports of current conditions and "probabilities" for the next day's weather, the Signal Office collected official climate statistics for the nation. By 1891 the U.S. Weather Bureau had been established in the Department of Agriculture, where it remained until 1940, when it was transferred to the Department of Commerce.
Climate Change in the Nineteenth Century
In 1844, Samuel Forry analyzed data gathered from more than sixty army medical officers and concluded (a) climates are stable and no accurate the rmometrical observations warrant the conclusion of climatic change, (b) climates can be changed by human activity, but (c) these effects are extremely subordinate to physical geography. Elias Loomis studied the temperature of New Haven, Connecticut, and Charles A. Schott constructed national maps of temperature and rainfall. Neither scientist found evidence that humans were changing the climate. Cleveland Abbe, the chief scientist with the National Weather Service, agreed that the old debates about climate change had finally been settled. In an article entitled "Is Our Climate Changing?" published in Forum in February 1889, Abbe defined the climate as "the average about which the temporary conditions permanently oscillate; it assumes and implies permanence."
As the debate over climate change caused by human activities was winding down in the mid-nineteenth century, the discovery that the earth had experienced ice ages produced a plethora of complex but highly speculative theories of climatic change involving astronomical, physical, geological, and paleontological factors. The leading American involved in these discoveries was the prominent glacial geologist T. C. Chamberlin, whose interdisciplinary work on the geological agency of the atmosphere and the effect of carbon dioxide on climate led him to propose a new theory of the formation of the earth and the solar system.
Regional Climates and Identities
Many regions of the United States experience distinctive climatic phenomena. New England, the Appalachian Highlands, and the upper Mississippi Valley have rigorous winters with snow covering the ground, often for several months. The East Coast has a relatively mild climate due to the proximity of the Atlantic Ocean, but these areas are susceptible to land-falling Atlantic hurricanes and winter "nor'easters." The Deep South has hot summers and mild winters with high humidity because of the proximity of the warm waters of the Caribbean and the Gulf of Mexico; on average this area has the most thunderstorms. The heartland experiences the most violent tornadoes, while the high Plains have the most hailstorms. Monsoonal flows from Mexico water the desert Southwest, while California is susceptible to drying "Santa Anna" winds that can exacerbate wildfires. As scientists have come to realize, all regions of the country may be affected by the El Niño Southern Oscillation of the Pacific Ocean.
It would be foolish to argue that such climatic differences "determined" social relations in these regions, just as it would be futile to argue that the environment made little or no difference to people's lives. It is more productive to ask how the flux of economic and social activities over time changed human relationships with nature in sometimes subtle but often dramatic ways. Horse-drawn sleighs were traditionally safe, enjoyable, and often productive means of winter transportation, yet the widespread use of the automobile transformed snow from a transportation resource into a hazard. Pioneers facing the onset of winter and the possibility of crop failure due to frosts believed that warmer weather was better weather, while contemporary city dwellers in urban heat islands find the weather unbearably hot. Air conditioning undoubtedly stimulated the growth of the Sun Belt, while access to freshwater resources may determine the region's future. In general, social and technological changes and changes in scientific understanding of climate have occurred at much faster rates than have physical changes in the climate system.
Settlers seeking to relocate west of the Appalachian Mountains usually headed due west. They assumed that the climatic zone they were familiar with followed parallels of latitude. Generally, this is not the case, since agricultural hardiness zones gradually slope from northeast to southwest. Thus, for example, settlers from Connecticut established the Western Reserve in Ohio. Further west across the Mississippi River lay the semiarid, treeless prairies that were originally called the "Great American Desert." While farmers on the northern and eastern margins of this area, where annual rainfall totals twenty inches or more, had considerable success, precipitation decreases dramatically to the south and west, attaining true desert conditions in New Mexico and Arizona. The Homestead Act of 1862 encouraged farmers ever westward into marginal lands that were fertile only when it rained. Promoters even resorted to the dubious argument that agriculture somehow increases rainfall, or "rain follows the plow." A succession of drought years could devastate farms, however, as was the case in the decade-long Dust Bowl of the 1930s in the southern Great Plains.
Climate Change in the Twentieth Century
By 1900 most of the chief theories of climate change had been proposed if not yet fully explored: changes in solar output; changes in the earth's orbital geometry; changes in terrestrial geography, including the form and height of continents and the circulation of the oceans; and changes in atmospheric transparency and composition, in part due to human activities. During the International Geophysical Year (1957–1958), Harry Wexler of the U.S. Weather Bureau succeeded in establishing a series of accurate measurements of carbon dioxide. After 1958 these measurements were accurately and faithfully taken at the summit of Mauna Loa volcano in Hawaii by Charles David Keeling. Subsequently, many more international baseline stations have been established. The Keeling curve, the famous saw-toothed curve of rising carbon dioxide concentrations, became the environmental icon of the twentieth century.
In the 1950s, Gilbert Plass developed a computer model of infrared radiative transfer in support of his re-search on carbondioxide and climate. Several years later, in the interest of national security, a climate model known as Nile Blue was developed by the Advanced Research Projects Administration (ARPA) in the Department of Defense. It was hoped that this model could be used to test the sensitivity of the climate to major perturbations, including Soviet tinkering or a major environmental war. In 1967, Syukuro Manabe and Richard T. Wetherald developed a computerized climate model that included the effects of both radiation and convection to calculate temperature as a function of latitude. It predicted a mean warming of 2.3 degrees Celsius for a doubling of carbon dioxide. Two years later, Manabe and Kirk Bryan added basic oceanic features to the model.
The rise of the environmental movement in the early 1970s generated interest in global environmental problems, including climate change. In 1971, when some meteorologists were looking into the possibility of a widespread global cooling, a report from the Study of Man's Impact on Climate conducted at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology returned the focus to carbon dioxide emissions, calling them the largest single anthropogenic change that may influence the climate in the foreseeable future. During this period, anthropogenic effects on climate were called "inadvertent" climate modification. Several other regional and global pollution issues also emerged in the 1970s, including acid deposition and possible damage to the stratosphere by ozone-depleting chemicals and by the exhaust gases of a fleet of supersonic transport planes.
In the 1980s, scientists debated the possibility of a "nuclear winter" caused by an all-out nuclear exchange. Discovery of depleted levels of ozone over Antarctica in 1985 led to the international Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer, signed in 1987. In 1988 the scientist James Hansen of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration announced to Congress and the world, "Global warming has begun." He went on to report that, at least to his satisfaction, he had seen the "signal" in the climate noise and that the earth was destined for global warming, perhaps in the form of a runaway greenhouse effect. Hansen later revised his remarks, but his statement remained the starting point of widespread concerns over global warming. That same year the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change was formed as a joint program of the United Nations Environmental Program, the World Meteorological Organization, and the International Congress of Scientific Unions. It has a mandate to prepare regular assessments of what is known and what should be done about anthropogenic climate change.
The 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (the Earth Summit) in Rio de Janeiro produced the Framework Convention on Climate Change (FCCC), which calls for a stabilization of atmospheric carbon dioxide concentrations at a level that would prevent human-induced changes in the global climate. The 1997 Kyoto Protocol, calling for legally binding greenhouse gas emission targets for all developed countries, remained a contentious issue in the early twenty-first century. These conventions and protocols represent geopolitical interventions in the climate system. Many more policies were initiated. Economics also began to play a role, as taxes and incentives were put in place to reduce unwanted emissions. Meanwhile, green social engineers attempted to convince the general public to live sustainably, while "geoengineers" hold in reserve massive technical fixes for the climate system. Notably, health issues related to possible climate change returned as policy issues.
Conclusion
The climate issues that puzzled colonists and early Americans were eventually resolved by government-supported scientists who compiled climate statistics for the continent. Changes in human-climate relations were typically caused not by climate change but by people migrating to new regions or by changes in social relations or technology. Anolder medical geography of "airs, waters, and places" was replaced by the germ theory of disease. Yet as Americans gained control of their microclimatic environments through irrigation, central heating, and air conditioning, they began to lose control of the damage they inflicted on the environment, for example, by excessive burning of fossil fuels. In the second half of the twentieth century, new reasons for climate apprehension emerged in the form of local, regional, and global threats to the atmosphere and to human health. By the dawn of the twenty-first century, the social aspects of the climate had grown to encompass scientific, economic, governmental, and diplomatic initiatives regarding the health and future of the planet.
Bibliography
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———. Historical Perspectives on Climate Change and Culture. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.
Fleming, James Rodger, ed. Historical Essays on Meteorology, 1919–1995. Boston: American Meteorological Society, 1996.
Kupperman, Karen Ordahl. "The Puzzle of the American Climate in the Early Colonial Period." American Historical Re-view 87 (1982): 1262–1289.
Ludlum, David M. The American Weather Book. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1982.
Mergen, Bernard. Snow in America. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1997.
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—James Fleming