Most Americans think of Washington, D.C., their national capital, as either a marble-columned theme park for visiting high-school civics classes or a cluster of government palaces housing activities so corrupt that aspirants to federal office regularly seek advantage over their incumbent rivals by accusing them of having spent too much time in Washington. To a degree, Washington is both of these things, yet it is also a real city, home to more Americans than is Wyoming, and (with Baltimore) a nucleus of the nation's fourth-largest metropolitan area. For Washingtonians, the presence of the federal government is both a blessing and a curse, for the city's status as capital provides steady employment and unparalleled cultural institutions but strips its people of basic rights of citizenship taken for granted by the residents of the fifty states.
Founding and Early History
For most of the War of Independence, Congress met in Philadelphia, the largest city in the thirteen colonies. Fearing urban mobs and not trusting the Pennsylvania government to control them, in 1783 Congress decided to create a new capital apart from any state, and in 1787 the framers of the Constitution provided for a capital district of up to 100 square miles in which Congress would "exercise exclusive legislation." For the next three years, Congress considered promising river ports up and down the Atlantic Coast, with northerners favoring a site on the Delaware or Susquehanna while southerners heldout for the Potomac. Finally, Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, and James Madison brokered a deal by which the South would agree to federal assumption of state war debts in return for a southern capital. President George Washington, himself a Potomac man, chose the exact spot for the square, straddling the river and embracing the towns of George town, Maryland, and Alexandria, Virginia.
Rather than seating the federal government in either town, Washington called for a brand-new city to be built on the low land between the Potomac and Anacostia Rivers. To plan it, he turned to the thirty-six-year-old Pierre-Charles L'Enfant, a French artist and veteran of the Continental Army. L'Enfant, deeply influenced by the baroque plan of Versailles, began by emphasizing the site's topography. He reserved the most prominent hills for the Capitol and President's House (later nicknamed the White House), then gave each building a spectacular vista over an open, green Mall. To connect these and lesser nodes he drew a grand design of wide, diagonal avenues, superimposedon a practical American grid. Though L'Enfant was fired after a tiff with a local landowner, his plan provided the basic layout for Washington City (its name chosen by three presidentially appointed commissioners) within the larger territory of Columbia. In December 1800, the government arrived.
Washington and L'Enfant had hoped that the capital would grow into a major commercial city, a point of transshipment between the inland, Potomac trade, and seagoing vessels moored in an Anacostia harbor. But congressional neglect, rivalry among Georgetown, Alexandria, and Washington City, and the difficulty of opening the Potomac to navigation stifled the city's growth. When, in 1814, British troops raided the city, they found little worth torching except the White House and the Capitol. Congress did subscribe funds for the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, designed to make Washington the Atlantic port for the Ohio River valley, but the city had bet on the wrong technology. Baltimore put its money into Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, outpacing the canal and making that city the dominant port of the Chesapeake. L'Enfant's enormous avenues remained unpaved and undeveloped.
Politically, the capital did not fare much better. Congress did grant elected municipal governments to Washington, Georgetown, and Alexandria, but to a large degree the District remained a congressional pawn to be pushed back and forth across the board. This was particularly true in the matter of the slave trade. In the 1830s, northern abolitionists flooded Congress with petitions to abolish slavery in the District, and southern congressmen responded by ruling that such petitions would be automatically tabled. Finally, in 1846, Congress returned the portion of the District on the right bank of the Potomac to Virginia. Since this included the city of Alexandria, the District's major slave market, retrocession helped make possible the Compromise of 1850, which banned the slave trade in the remaining portion of the District, now only sixty-seven square miles.
Ten years later, as the Compromise collapsed into secession, Washington turned into an armed camp, surrounded by slave states. Northern troops rushed into the city, both to secure it for the Union and to use it as a base of operations against the Confederate capital of Richmond, only 100 miles away. The Capitol, Patent Office, and other government buildings were pressed into service, first as emergency barracks, then as emergency hospitals as wounded soldiers staggered back from Bull Run and points south. The Army of Northern Virginia threatened the city during its 1862 and 1863 invasions of the North, and in 1864 General Jubal Early actually entered the District before being repulsed at Fort Stevens.
Following the war, triumphant Midwesterners spoke of relocating the capital to the interior of the country, perhaps to St. Louis. Instead, in 1871, Congress decided to remain in Washington and modernize the city, merging the jurisdictions of Washington City, Washington County, and Georgetown, and giving the newly unified District a territorial government—the same form used by aspiring states. In just three years as vice president of the Board of Public Works and later as territorial governor, "Boss" Alexander Shepherd rebuilt the city's public spaces, paving streets, installing sewers, and planting tens of thousands of trees. But he also massively overdrew the city's Treasury account. In 1874 an appalled Congress abolished territorial government, and in 1878 it passed the Organic Act, which provided for government by three presidentially appointed commissioners, one of them an officer in the Army Corps of Engineers. To compensate District residents for their lost franchise, Congress promised to pay half of the District's budget, a promise that gradually eroded in subsequent decades.
Reinventing Washington
With the approach of the capital's centennial in 1900, a group of architects, eager to promote their profession, saw a chance to revive L'Enfant's baroque vision for the Mall, which had been cluttered with winding carriage roads and a dangerously sited train station. At the request of Senator James McMillan, the architects Daniel Burnham and Charles McKim, the landscape architect Frederick Law Olmsted Jr., and the sculptor Augustus Saint-Gaudens proposed a City Beautiful plan of green, open spaces and white neoclassical buildings. The railroad station on the Mall was demolished and its trains rerouted to Burnham's monumental Union Station north of the Capitol. The plan was capped in 1922, with the dedication of the Lincoln Memorial on land reclaimed from the Potomac.
Ironically, Lincoln's temple overlooked a racially segregated city. Woodrow Wilson, the first southern-born president since Andrew Johnson, encouraged racial discrimination within the civil service. Though libraries and public transit were integrated, the city's schools, restaurants, theaters, and hotels remained rigidly segregated. Despite these restrictions, Washington was home to a thriving black community. Howard University, founded during Reconstruction, and some of the nation's top black high schools attracted African American intellectuals from across the country. Blacks built their own theaters, clubs, and hotels along U Street, north of downtown. The author Jean Toomer and the musician Duke Ellington were born and raised in the neighborhood, and the many other artists, scholars, and activists who spent time in the area made Washington second only to Harlem as a center for black culture.
The expansion of the federal government during the New Deal and World War II made Washington a boomtown. In 1942 alone, more than 70,000 new comers arrived to work in temporary buildings on the Mall, in the newly built Pentagon, or wherever they could find space for a typewriter. Thanks to the cold war, the federal government did not contract after victory, but it did disperse. Concerned about atomic attack and traffic congestion, federal planners scattered the new agencies—the Atomic Energy Commission, the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Security Agency, and the like—to suburban campuses miles from downtown. Private employers, particularly high-tech defense contractors, followed them, as did many families. These were good jobs, and by 1949 the region had the highest mean salary per family of any major metropolitan area.
Though the cold war boom turned metropolitan Washington into the nation's fastest-growing metropolitan area, the District's population, which had peaked in the 1950 census at over 800,000, fell to 764,000 by 1960. For the first time the District housedless than half of the metropolitan region's residents. The bulk of Washingtonians moving to the suburbs were white, while most new comers were black, so in 1957 Washington became the nation's first major city to be majority African American.
Home Rule
With an almost all-white Congress and a southern-dominated House District of Columbia Committee ruling over a mostly black city, the civil rights element of home rule for the District became more pressing than ever. Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon each took up the cause. Kennedy appointed the first African American district commissioner, as well as the first White House advisor on national capital affairs, while Congress approved the Twenty-third Amendment, allowing District residents to vote for presidential electors. Johnson, unable to get a home rule bill through Congress, nevertheless replaced the three commissioners with an appointed mayor, deputy mayor, and city council, a training ground for District leaders. Meanwhile, the District gained the right to send a nonvoting delegate to the House of Representatives. Finally, with Nixon's support, in 1973 Congress passed a home rule act. In 1974, the city—by now three-fourths black—held its first elections for top municipal office in a century.
The 1970s were rough on the city. Crime rates rose, downtown streets were torn up for subway construction, and the city lost its major-league baseball team. Escaping congressionally imposed height limits in Washington itself, developers took their skyscrapers, and jobs, to Virginia. In contrast, the 1980s were boom years. Metro, the flashy new regional rapid transit system, brought commuters and investors back to the center, and Mayor Marion Barry gained a reputation as a business-friendly leader. There was even talk of granting the city full representation in Congress, either through statehood or a constitutional amendment. But Republicans had no desire to let the majority-black, and overwhelmingly liberal, city send two new Democrats to the Senate. Moreover, the city's image—and its claim to political maturity—suffered when federal agents videotaped Mayor Barry smoking crack cocaine in a hotel room, amplifying criticism that he had bloated the city's bureaucracy with patronage jobs. Combined with unfinished business from home rule, Barry's misadministration left the District essentially bankrupt. In 1995, Congress established an appointed Control Board to oversee the government until the city could balance its own budget.
At the start of the twenty-first century, the city had climbed out of insolvency. Though the year 2000 census count of 572,059 was lower than the 1990 figure, it was significantly higher than projected, suggesting that the population had bottomed out in the early 1990s and was climbing again. With a respectable mayor, a healthier economy, and encouraging demographics, local activists were ready to try again to gain voting representation in Congress and an end to congressional meddling with the city's laws and budget. They even persuaded the city council to replace tourist-friendly slogans on the District license plates with the defiant motto: "Taxation without Representation." But as the newly elected president George W. Bush shrugged off their demands, it seemed unlikely that Washingtonians would become full American citizens anytime soon.
Bibliography
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