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Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralín Marcos (September 11, 1917 – September 28, 1989) was President of the Philippines from 1966 to 1986. He was a lawyer, member of the Philippine
House of Representatives (1949-1959) and a member of the Philippine Senate (1959-1965). During World War II he was the leader of the so-called "Ang Maharlika" guerilla force in northern Luzon. In 1963 he became Senate President. As Philippine president and strongman, his greatest achievement was in
the fields of infrastructure development and international diplomacy. However, his administration was marred by massive
government corruption, despotism, nepotism, political repression and human rights violations. In 1986 he was removed from power by a massive show
of People Power after it was revealed he had invested hundreds of millions of
dollars in the United States.
Early life
Marcos was born on September 11, 1917 in Sarrat, a small town in Ilocos Norte. Named by his parents,
Mariano Marcos and Josefa Edralin, after King Ferdinand of Spain, Marcos was a
champion debater, boxer, swimmer and wrestler while in the University of the
Philippines.
As a young law student of the University of the Philippines, Marcos was indicted and convicted of the murder of Julio
Nalundasan, the man who twice defeated his father for a National
Assembly seat. While in detention, he reviewed and topped the 1938 Bar examinations with one of the highest scores in
history. He appealed his conviction and argued his case before the Supreme
Court of the Philippines. Impressed by his legal defense, the Supreme Court unanimously acquitted him.[1]
When the Second World War broke out, Marcos was called to arms in defense of the
Philippines against the Japanese. He was a combat intelligence officer of the 21st Infantry
division. He fought in the three-month Battle of Bataan in 1942, and was one of the
victims of the Bataan Death March, a Japanese war crime in which thousands of
prisoners of war were forcibly transported after being defeated. He was released later. Though he was captured once more at
Fort Santiago, he escaped and joined the guerilla movements against the Japanese. He
claimed to have been one of the guerilla leaders in Luzon and that his greatest exploit was the
Battle of Besang Pass, though the veracity of his claims had been widely questioned.
Early political career
After the end of the war and the establishment of the Republic, President Manuel A.
Roxas appointed Marcos as special technical assistant. Later, Marcos ran for Representative of the 2nd district of Ilocos
Norte under the Liberal Party – the administration party. During the
campaign he told his constituents “Elect me a Congressman now and I pledge you an Ilocano President in 20 years.” He was elected
thrice as Congressman. In 1959 he was catapulted to the Senate with the highest number of votes. He immediately became its
Minority Floor Leader. In 1963, after a tumultuous rigodon in the Senate, he was elected its
President despite being in the minority party
President Diosdado Macapagal, who had promised not to run for reelection in 1965
to support Marcos’ candidacy for the presidency, went back on this promise, causing Marcos to resign from the Liberal Party. With
the support of his wife Imelda Romualdez Marcos[2], he joined the Nacionalista Party and
became its standard-bearer with Senator Fernando Lopez as his running mate.
Presidency
First term (1965-1969)
…The Filipino, it seems, has lost his soul, his dignity, and his courage.
We have come upon a phase of our history when ideals are only a veneer for greed and power, (in public and private affairs) when
devotion to duty and dedication to a public trust are to be weighted at all times against private advantages and personal gain,
and when loyalties can be traded.
…Our government is in the iron grip of venality, its treasury is barren, its resources are wasted, its civil service is slothful
and indifferent, its armed forces demoralized and its councils sterile.,
We are in crisis. You know that the government treasury is empty. Only by severe self-denial will there be hope for recovery
within the next year.[3]
To rally the people, he vowed to fulfill the nation’s “mandate for greatness:”
This nation can be great again. This I have said over and over. It is my articles of faith, and Divine Providence has willed
that you and I can now translate this faith into deeds.[4]
In his first State of the Nation Address (SONA), President Marcos revealed his plans for economic development and good
government. President Marcos wanted the immediate construction of roads, bridges and public works which includes 16,000
kilometers of feeder roads, some 30,000 lineal meters of permanent bridges, a generator with an electric power capacity of one
million kilowatts (1,000,000 kW), water services to eight regions and 38 localities.
He also urged the revitalization of the Judiciary, the national defense posture and the fight against smuggling, criminality,
and graft and corruption in the government.
To accomplish his goals “President Marcos mobilized the manpower and resources of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP)
for action to complement civilian agencies in such activities as infrastructure construction; economic planning and program
execution; regional and industrial site planning and development; community development and others.”[5] The President, likewise, hired technocrats and highly educated persons to form
part of the Cabinet and staff.[6]The employment of
technocrats in key positions and the mobilization of the AFP for civic actions resulted in the increasing functional integration
of civilian and military elites.[7] It was during his first
term that the North Diversion Road (now, North Luzon Expressway) was constructed
with the help of the AFP engineering construction battalion.[8]
Aside from infrastructure development, the following were some of the notable achievements of the first four years of the
Marcos administration:
1. Successful drive against smuggling.
-
-
- In 1966, more than 100 important smugglers were arrested; in three years 1966-68 the arrests totaled 5,000. Military men
involved in smuggling were forced to retire.[9]
2. Greater production of rice by promoting the cultivation of IR-8 hybrid rice. In 1968 the Philippines became self-sufficient
in rice, the first time in history since the American period. In addition, the Philippines exported rice worth US$7 million.
3. Land reform was given an impetus during the first term of President Marcos. 3,739 hectares of lands in Central Luzon were
distributed to the farmers.
4. In the field of foreign relations, the Philippines hosted the summit of seven heads of state (the United States, South
Vietnam, South Korea, Thailand, Australia, New Zealand and the Philippines) to discuss the worsening problem in Vietnam and the
containment of communism in the region.
Likewise, President Marcos initiated, together with the other four heads of state of Southeast Asia (Indonesia, Malaysia,
Thailand and Singapore), the formation of a regional organization to combat the communist threat in the region – the Association
of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
5. Government finances were stabilized by higher revenue collections and loans from treasury bonds, foreign lending
institutions and foreign governments.
6. Peace and order substantially improved in most provinces however situations in Manila and some provinces continued to
deteriorate until the imposition of martial law in 1972.
Second term (1969-1972)
In 1969, President Marcos was reelected for an unprecedented second term because of his impressive performance or, as his
critics claimed, because of massive vote-buying and electoral frauds.
The second term proved to be a daunting challenge to the President: an economic crisis brought by external and internal
forces; a restive and radicalized studentry demanding reforms in the educational system; rising tide of criminality and
subversion by the re-organized Communist movement; and secessionism in the South.
Economic situation - Overspending in the 1969 elections led to higher inflation and the devaluation of the Philippine
peso. Further, the decision of the oil-producing Arab countries to cut back oil production, in response to Western military aid
to Israel in the Arab-Israeli conflict, resulted in higher fuel prices worldwide. In addition, the frequent visits of natural
calamities brought havoc to infrastructures and agricultural crops and livestock. The combined external and internal economic
forces led to uncontrolled increase in the prices of prime commodities. A restive studentry– The last years of the 1960s
and the first two years of the 1970s witnessed the radicalization of student population. Students in various colleges and
universities held massive rallies and demonstrations to express their frustrations and resentments. On January 30, 1970,
demonstrators numbering about 50,000 students and laborers stormed the Malacañang Palace, burning part of the Medical building,
crashing through Gate 4 with a fire truck that had been forcibly commandeered by some laborers and students...The Metropolitan
Command (Metrocom) of the Philippine Constabulary (PC) repulsed them, pushing them towards Mendiola Bridge, where in an exchange
of gunfire, hours later, four persons were killed and scores from both sides injured. Tear gas grenades finally dispersed the
crowd. ”[10]. The event was known today as the First
Quarter Storm.
Violent students protests however did not stop. In October 1970, a series of violence occurred in numerous campuses in the
Greater Manila Area: “an explosion of pillboxes in at least two schools. The University of the Philippines was not spared when
18,000 students boycotted their classes to demand academic and non-academic reforms in the State University resulting in the
‘occupation’ of the office of the President of the University by student leaders. Other schools which were scenes of violent
student demonstrations were San Sebastian College, University of the East, Letran College, Mapua Institute of Technology,
University of Sto. Tomas and Feati University. Student demonstrators even succeeded in “occupying the office of the Secretary of
Justice Vicente Abad Santos for at least seven hours.”[11] The President described the brief “communization” of the University of the Philippines and the
violent demonstrations of the Left-leaning students as an “act of insurrection."
The re-emergence of the Communist movement – The re-emergence of the Communist movement and the threats it poised to
the Philippine Republic may be best narrated by the Supreme Court in Lansang vs. Garcia on December 11, 1970, excerpts:
In the language of the Report on Central Luzon, submitted, on September 4, 1971, by the Senate Ad Hoc Committee of Seven –
copy of which Report was filed in these cases by the petitioners herein –
“The years following 1963 saw the successive emergence in the country of several mass organizations, notably the Lapiang
Manggagawa (now the Socialist Party of the Philippines) among the workers; the Malayang Samahan ng Magsasaka (MASAKA) among the
peasantry; the Kabataang Makabayan (KM) among the youth/students; and the Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism (MAN) among
the intellectuals/professionals. The PKP has exerted all-out effort to infiltrate, influence, and utilize these organizations in
promoting its radical brand of nationalism.
Meanwhile, the Communist leaders in the Philippines had been split into two (2) groups, one of which- composed mainly of young
radicals, constituting the Maoist faction – reorganized the Communist party of the Philippines early in 1969 and established a
New People’s Army. This faction adheres to the Maoist concept of the “Protracted People’s War” or “War of National
Liberation.”
In the year 1969, the NPA had – according to the records of the Department of National Defense – conducted raids, resorted to
kidnappings and taken part in other violent incidents numbering 230, in which it inflicted 404 casualties, and in turn, suffered
243 loses. In 1970, its record of violent incidents was about the same, but the NPA casualties more than doubled.
At any rate, two (2) facts are undeniable: (a) all Communists, whether they belong to the traditional group or to the Maoist
faction, believe that force and violence are indispensable to the attainment of their main and ultimate objective, and act in
accordance with such belief, although they may disagree on the means to be used at a given time and in a particular place; and
(b) there is a New People’s Army, other, of course, than the armed forces of the Republic and antagonistic thereto. Such New
People’s army is per se proof of the existence of rebellion, especially considering that its establishment was announced publicly
by the reorganized CPP. Such announcement is in the nature of a public challenge to the duly constituted authorities and may be
likened to a declaration of war, sufficient to establish a war status or a condition of belligerency, even before the actual
commencement of hostilities.
We entertain, therefore, no doubts about the existence of sizeable group of men who have publicly risen in arms to overthrow the
government and have thus been and still are engaged in rebellion against the Government of the Philippines.[12]
The Supreme Court ruling in Lansang vs. Garcia affirmed the basis of President Marcos’ issuance of Proclamation No. 889, which
suspended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, on August 21, 1971 following the Plaza Miranda bombing.
On January 7, 1972, President Marcos restored the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus throughout the country.
Not long thereafter, the country was again faced with a massive resurgence of subversive activities which President Marcos
described as a conspiracy of the Radical Left (the Communists) and the Radical Right (the oligarchs) to overthrow the Republic.
Bombings were intensified, targeting public and private properties and residences of prominent personalities to sow terror to the
populace, as shown by the following incidents: 1970 – “A bomb exploded at the Joint US Military Advisory Group Headquarters in
Quezon City [27] in January, two Catholic schools and two government buildings in Calbayog City were blasted with dynamites in
December; 1971- “Oil firms in the city (Manila) were the object of bombings resulting in death to at least two persons and
injuries to others. [13] 1972 – In January a grenade was
hurled at the ABS-CBN tower in Quezon City; a month later the United States (US) Embassy was bombed; in March, pillbox explosives
were hurled at the gate of the Malacañang Palace and an explosion resulted in a fire in the Greater Manila Terminal Food Market
in Taguig, Rizal, Arca Building and a branch of the Security Bank and Trust Company in España Street were bombed; in April, the
US Embassy was again bombed and hand grenades in Cabugao, Ilocos Sur were thrown resulting in 13 casualties; In May, more
explosions occurred in the US Embassy; In June a time bomb exploded in the Court of Industrial Relations; In July, the Philamlife
Building in Ermita, Manila was bombed; In September a bomb blast in Carriedo Street in Quiapo, Manila resulted in one death and
sixty (60) injuries; the Manila City Hall was bombed injuring two telephone operators, and two time bombs exploded in the Quezon
City Hall which disrupted the plenary session of the Constitutional Convention (Con Con) and proceedings in a subversive case
before the Court of First Instance.
Martial law and the New Society
Proclamation of martial law
The spate of bombings and subversive activities led President Marcos to declare that ‘there is throughout the land a state of
anarchy and lawlessness, chaos and disorder, turmoil and destruction of a magnitude equivalent to an actual war between the
forces of our duly constituted government and the New People’s Army and their satellite organizations…and that public order and
safety and security of the nation demand that immediate, swift, decisive and effective action be taken to protect and insure the
peace, order and security of the country and its population and to maintain the authority of the government.Proclamation No.
1081, Proclaiming a State of Martial Law in the Philippines. On September 21, 1972 President Marcos issued Presidential
Proclamation No. 1081 placing the entire country under martial law but it was announced only two days later. In proclaiming
martial law, President Marcos assured the public that “the proclamation of martial law is not a military takeover”[14]and that civilian government still functions.
"Initial measures" - In his first address to the nation after issuing Proclamation No. 1081, President Marcos said that
martial law has two objectives: (1) to save the republic, and (2) to “reform the social, economic and political institutions in
our country.”
In accordance with the two objectives, President Marcos issued general orders and letters of instruction to that effect:
General Order No. 1 – The President proclaimed that he should govern the nation and direct the operations of the Government,
including all its agencies and instrumentalities, as Commander-in-Chief of all the armed forces of the Philippines;General Order
No. 2 – The President directed the Secretary of National Defense to arrest or cause the arrest and take into his custody the
individuals named in the attached list and to hold them until otherwise so ordered by the President or by his duly designated
representative, as well as to arrest or cause the arrest and take into his custody and to hold them otherwise ordered released by
him or by his duly authorized representative such persons who may have committed crimes described in the Order;General Order No.3
– The President ordered that all executive departments, bureaus, offices, agencies and instrumentalities of the National
Government, government owned or controlled corporations, as well all governments of all the provinces, cities, municipalities and
barrios should continue to function under their present officers and employees, until otherwise ordered by the President or by
his duly designated representatives. The President further ordered that the Judiciary should continue to function in accordance
with its present organization and personnel, and should try and decide in accordance with existing laws all criminal and civil
cases, except certain cases enumerated in the Order.General Order No. 4 – The President ordered that a curfew be maintained and
enforced throughout the Philippines from twelve o’clock midnight until four o’clock in the morning.General Order No. 5 – All
rallies, demonstrations and other forms of group actions including strikes and picketing in vital industries such as in companies
engaged in manufacture or processing as well as in production or processing of essential commodities or products for exports, and
in companies engaged in banking of any kind, as well as in hospitals and in schools and colleges are prohibited. General Order
No. 6 – No person shall keep, possess or carry outside of his residence any firearm unless such person is duly authorized to
keep, possess or carry any such firearm. Letter of Instruction No. 1 – The President ordered the Press Secretary and the
Secretary of National Defense to take over and control or cause the taking over and control of newspapers, magazines, radio and
television facilities and all other media of communications for the duration of the national emergency.Letter of Instruction No.
2 – The President ordered the Secretary of National Defense to take over the management, control and operation of the Manila
Electric Company (Meralco), the Philippine Long Distance Telephone Company (PLDT), the National Waterworks and Sewerage Authority
(Nawasa), the Philippine National Railways (PNR), the Philippine Airlines, Air Manila, Filipinas Orient Airways, and other public
utilities. Letter of Instruction No. 3 – The President ordered the Secretary of National Defense to take over the possession,
control, operation of all privately owned aircraft and watercraft of whatever make bearing Philippine registry and to keep such
under his custody for the duration of national emergency or until otherwise ordered by the President. Letter of Instruction No. 4
– The President ordered the Secretary of Foreign Affairs not to issue travel papers such as passports and other like documents to
any citizens of the Philippines except to those who are being sent abroad in the service of the Philippines.Letter of Instruction
No. 5 – The President ordered the Secretary of Justice and all subordinate officials under him not to issue any police or
immigration clearance to any citizen of the Philippines who may wish to depart for other country.Letter of Instruction No. 6 –
The President ordered the Secretary of Finance and all subordinate officials under him not to issue any tax clearance to any
citizen of the Philippines who may wish to depart for other country. Pursuant to General Order No. 1, the following were arrested
and detained by the military: Representatives Roque Ablan, Jr.(Ilocos Norte), Rafael Aquino (Sorsogon) and Rolando Puzon; Senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jose W. Diokno and Ramon Mitra; Governors Rolando Puzon (Kalinga-Apayao) and
Lino Bocalan (Cavite); former Senator Francisco “Soc” Rodrigo;
Con Con delegates Napoleon Rama, Enrique Voltaire Garcia, II,
Teofisto Guingona, Jr., Bren Guiao, Alejandro Lichauco,
Jose Nolledo, Jose Concepcion, Jr., and Jose Mari Velez; journalists Joaquin ‘Chino” Roces, Maximo Soliven, Teodoro Locsin, Sr., Amando
Doronilla, Renato Constantino, and Luis Mauricio. Others arrested are as follows: Hernando Abaya, Ang Nay Quang, Luis
Beltran, Jorge Bocobo, IV, Ramon Chramico, Cipriano cid, Chua Giok Su @ Bob Chua, Herminio Caloma, Romeo Dizon, Armando Eufemio,
Rolando Fadul, Rolando Feleo, Jose Fuentes @ Joey, Rosalinda Galang @ Roz, Go Eng Guan, Flora Lansang, Teodosio Lansang,
Guillermo Ponce de Leon, Joel Rocamora, etc. Most of the arrested were members of the opposition “sympathetic to the rebels or
supporting the rebel movement” and members of the communist movement.
As a result of LOI No. 1, all newspapers, television and radio stations and other means of mass media were closed and placed
under military control. Some of them were later permitted to reopen but under strict censorship.[37] On September 22, 1972, the
President signed Letter of Authority No.1, authorizing the Press Secretary and the Secretary of National Defense to permit the
operation of Radio Philippines Network (RPN), Kanlaon Broadcasting System (KBS), and the Daily Express, “it having been
established that they have not participated in a conspiracy to seize political and state power in the Philippines and to take
over the government by force and violence.
The 1973 Constitution
The 1973 Constitution – On March 16, 1967, the Philippine Congress passed Resolution No. 2 calling for a Constitutional
Convention to change the Constitution. Election of the delegates to the Convention were held on November 20, 1970 pursuant to
Republic Act No. 6132, otherwise known as the “1970 Constitutional Convention Act.”
The Constitutional Convention formally began on June 1, 1971. Former President Carlos P. Garcia, a delegate from Bohol, was
elected President. Unfortunately he died on June 14, 1971 and was succeeded by another former President, Diosadado Macapagal of
Pampanga.
Before the Convention could finish its work, martial law was proclaimed. Several delegates were placed under detention and
others went into hiding or voluntary exile. The martial law declaration affected the final outcome of the convention. In fact, it
was said, that the President dictated some provisions of the Constitution.[15]. On November 29, 1972, the Convention approved its Proposed Constitution of the Philippines.
On November 30, 1972, the President issued Presidential Decree No.73 setting the date of the plebiscite on January 15, 1973
for the ratification or rejection of the proposed Constitution. On January 7, 1973, however, the President issued General Order
No. 20 postponing indefinitely the plebiscite scheduled on January 15.
On January 10-15, 1973 Plebiscite, the Citizen Assemblies voted for (1) ratification of the 1973 Constitution, (2) the
suspension of the convening of the Interim National Assembly, (3) the continuation of martial law, and (4) moratorium on
elections for a period of at least seven years. On January 17, 1973 the President issued Proclamation No. 1102 announcing that
the proposed Constitution had been ratified by an overwhelming vote of the members of the Citizen Assemblies, organized by Marcos
himself through Presidential Decree No. 86
Various legal petitions were filed with the Supreme Court assailing the validity of the ratification of the 1973 Constitution.
On March 30, 1973, a divided Supreme Court ruled in Javellana vs. Executive Secretary (6 SCRA 1048) that “there is no further
obstacle to the new Constitution being considered in force and effect.”
The 1973 Constitution would have established in the Philippines a parliamentary government, with the President as a ceremonial
head of state and a Prime Minister as the head of government. This was not implemented as a result of the referendum-plebiscite
held on January 10-15, 1972 through the Citizen Assemblies whereby an overwhelming majority rejected the convening of a National
Assembly. From 1972 until the convening of the Interim Batasang Pambansa in 1978, the President exercised absolute legislative
power.
1976 Amendments to the Constitution
On October 16-17, 1976 majority of barangay voters (Citizen Assemblies) approved that martial law should be continued and
ratified the amendments to the Constitution proposed by President Marcos.[16]
The 1976 Amendments were: an Interim Batasang Pambansa (IBP) substituting for the Interim National Assembly, the President
would also become the Prime Minister and he would continue to exercise legislative powers until martial law should have been
lifted. The Sixth Amendment authorized the President to legislate:
Whenever in the judgment of the President there exists a grave emergency or a threat or imminence thereof, or whenever the
Interim Batasang Pambansa or the regular National Assembly fails or is unable to act adequately on any matter for any reason that
in his judgment requires immediate action, he may, in order to meet the exigency, issue the necessary decrees, orders or letters
of instructions, which shall form part of the law of the land.
The Batasang Bayan
-
The Interim Batasang Pambansa was not immediately convened. Instead, President Marcos created the Batasang Bayan through Presidential Decree No. 995 on September 21,
1976. The Batasang Bayan is a 128-member legislature that advised the President on important
legislature measures it served as the transitory legislature until convening of the Interim Batasang Pambansa in 1978[17] The Batasang Bayan was one of two temporary legislative bodies before the
convening of the Regular Batasang Pambansa in 1984.
First national election under martial law
On April 7, 1978, the first national election under martial law was held. The election for 165- members of the Interim
Batasang Pambansa resulted to the massive victory of the administration coalition party, the “Kilusang Bagong Lipunan ng Nagkakaisang Nacionalista, Liberal, at iba pa” or KBL. First Lady
Imelda Marcos, KBL Chairman for NCR, won the highest number of votes in Metro Manila. Only 15 opposition candidates in other
parts of the country won. Among them were: Francisco Tatad (former Secretary of Public Information to Pres. Marcos), Reuben Canoy
(Mindanao Alliance), Homobono Adaza (MA), and Aquilino Pimentel, Jr. None of the members of Laban ng Bayan of former
Senator Benigno Aquino, Jr. were elected. The Opposition denounced the massive
votebuying and cheating in that elections. The opposition Liberal Party boycotted the elections as a futile exercise.
On April 21, 1978, the election of 14 sectoral representatives (agricultural, labor, and youth) was held.
On June 12, 1978 the Interim Batasang Pambansa was convened with Ferdinand E. Marcos as President-Prime Minister and Querube
Makalintal as Speaker.
1980 and 1981 amendments to the Constitution
The 1973 Constitution was further amended in 1980 and 1981. In the 1980 Amendment, the retirement age of the members of the
Judiciary was extended to 70 years. In the 1981 Amendments, the parliamentary system was modified: executive power was restored
to the President; direct election of the President was restored; an Executive Committee composed of the Prime Minister and not
more than fourteen members was created to “assist the President in the exercise of his powers and functions and in the
performance of his duties as he may prescribe;” and the Prime Minister was a mere head of the Cabinet. Further, the amendments
instituted electoral reforms and provided that a natural born citizen of the Philippines who has lost his citizenship may be a
transferee of private land for use by him as his residence.
Lifting of martial law
After putting in force amendments to the Constitution and legislations securing his sweeping powers and with the Batasan under
his control, President Marcos lifted martial law on January 17, 1981. However, the suspension of the privilege of the writ of
habeas corpus continued in the autonomous regions of Western Mindanao and
Central Mindanao. The Opposition dubbed the lifting of martial law as a mere "face
lifting" as a precondition to the visit of Pope John Paul II.
1981 presidential election and the Fourth Republic
On June 16, 1981, six months after the lifting of martial law, the first presidential election in twelve years was held. As to
be expected, President Marcos ran and won a massive victory over the other candidates – Alejo Santos of the Nacionalista Party
(Roy Wing) and Cebu Assemblyman Bartolome Cabangbang of the Federal Party. The major opposition parties, Unido (United Democratic
Opposition, a coalition of opposition parties, headed by Salvador Laurel) and Laban, boycotted the elections.
In an almost one-sided election, President Marcos won an overwhelming 88% of the votes, the highest in Philippine electoral
history. The Nacionalista candidate Alejo Santos garnered only 8.6% of the votes and
Cabangbang obtained less than 3%.
On June 30, 1981, President Marcos was inaugurated in grandiose ceremonies and proclaimed the “birth of a new Republic.” The
new Republic lasted only for less than five years. Economic and political crises led to its demise.
The Aquino assassination
THE BEGINNING OF THE END
On
August 21,
1983 former Senator
Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino, Jr., President Marcos’ arch-critic, was assassinated at the Manila
International Airport while in the custody of the Aviation Security Command (AVSECOM). Photo shows a re-created scenario of the
former senator lying dead on the tarmac. Three years after, President Marcos was removed from office by a massive show of People
Power. Marcos was succeeded by
Corazon C. Aquino, widow of the slain former
senator.
After seven years of detention, President Marcos allowed former Senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. to leave the country for a
coronary by-pass operation in the United States. Aquino agreed to the President’s request that he would not make any statements
criticizing the Marcos regime. Before he left, Aquino told the First Lady: “I would like to express my profoundest gratitude for
your concern …In the past, I’ve been most critical of the First Lady’s project… I take back all my harsh words – hoping I do not
choke.”
However, Aquino broke his promise and called on President Marcos to return the Philippines to democracy and end martial rule.
He urged reconciliation between the government and opposition.
After three years of exile in the United States, Aquino decided to return. The First Lady tried to dissuade him but in
vain.
On August 21, 1983, former Senator Aquino returned to the
Philippines. He was shot dead at the tarmac of the Manila International Airport while in the custody of the Aviation Security
Command (AVSECOM). The assassination stunned the whole nation, if not, the whole world.
In a mass show of sympathy and awe, about two million people attended the funeral of the late senator from Sto. Domingo Church
to Manila Memorial Park.
Meanwhile, President Marcos immediately created a fact-finding commission, headed by Supreme Court Chief Justice Enrique
Fernando, to investigate the Aquino assassination. However, the commission lasted only in two sittings due to intense public
criticism. President Marcos issued on October 14, 1983, Presidential Decree No. 1886 creating an independent board of inquiry.
The board was composed of former Court of Appeals Justice Ma. Corazon J. Agrava as chairman, Amando Dizon, Luciano Salazar, Dante
Santos and Ernesto Herrera.
The Agrava Fact-Finding Board convened on November 3, 1983. But, before it could start its work. President Marcos charged the
communists for the killing of Senator Aquino: “The decision to eliminate the former Senator, Marcos claimed, was made by none
other than the general-secretary of the Philippine Communist Party, Rodolfo Salas. He was referring to his earlier claim that
Aquino had befriended and subsequently betrayed his communist comrades. “ The Agrava Board conducted public hearings, and invited
several persons who might shed light on the crimes, including AFP Chief of Staff Fabian Ver and First Lady Imelda R. Marcos.
After a year of thorough investigation – with 20,000 pages of testimony given by 193 witnesses, the Agrava Board submitted two
reports to President Marcos – the Majority and Minority Reports. The Minority Report, submitted by Chairman Agrava alone, was
submitted on October 23, 1984. It confirmed that the Aquino assassination was a military conspiracy but it cleared Gen. Ver. Many
believed that President Marcos intimidated and pressured the members of the Board to persuade them not to indict Ver, Marcos’
first cousin and most trusted general. Excluding Chairman Agrava, the majority of the board submitted a separate report – the
Majority Report – indicting several members of the Armed Forces including AFP Chief-of-Staff Gen. Fabian Ver, Gen. Luther
Custodio and Gen. Prospero Olivas, head of AVSECOM.
Later, the 25 military personnel, including several generals and colonels, and one civilian were charged for the murder of
Senator Aquino. President Marcos relieved Ver as AFP Chief and appointed his second-cousin, Gen.
Fidel V. Ramos as acting AFP Chief. After a brief trial, the Sandiganbayan acquitted all the accused on December 2, 1985.
Immediately after the decision, Marcos re-instated Ver. The Sandiganbayan ruling and the reinstatement of Ver were denounced by
several sectors as a “mockery” of justice.
The failed impeachment attempt
On August 13, 1985, fifty-six Assemblymen signed a resolution calling for the impeachment of President Marcos for graft and
corruption, culpable violation of the Constitution, gross violation of his oath of office and other high crimes.
They cited the San Jose Mercury News exposé of the Marcoses’ multi-million dollar investment and property holdings in the
United States. The properties allegedly amassed by the First Family were the Crown Building, Lindenmere Estate, and a number of
residential apartments (in New Jersey and New York), a shopping center in New York, mansions (in London, Rome and Honolulu), the
Helen Knudsen Estate in Hawaii and three condominiums in San Francisco, California.
The Assemblymen also included in the complaint the misuse and misapplication of funds “for the construction of the Film
Center, where X-rated and pornographic films are exhibited, contrary to public morals and Filipino customs and traditions.”
The following day, the Committee on Justice, Human Rights and Good Government dismissed the impeachment complain for being
insufficient in form and substance:
The resolution is no more than a hodge-podge of unsupported conclusions, distortion of law, exacerbated by ultra partisan
considerations. It does not allege ultimate facts constituting an impeachable offense under the Constitution. In sum, the
Committee finds that the complaint is not sufficient in form and substance to warrant its further consideration. It is not
sufficient in form because the verification made by the affiants that the allegations in the resolution “are true and correct of
our own knowledge” is transparently false. It taxes the ken of men to believe that the affiants individually could swear to the
truth of allegations, relative to the transactions that allegedly transpired in foreign countries given the barrier of geography
and the restrictions of their laws. More important, the resolution cannot be sufficient in substance because its careful assay
shows that it is a mere charade of conclusions.
Cabinet and judicial appointments 1965-73
The Cabinet appointments of President Marcos can be divided into three periods: his first two constitutional terms
(1965-1973), the New Society appointments from 1973-1978, and the change from departments to ministries from 1978 to the end of
his government.
|
| OFFICE |
NAME |
TERM |
|
| President |
Ferdinand E. Marcos |
1965–1973 |
| Vice-President |
Fernando Lopez |
1965–1972 |
|
| Secretary of Foreign Affairs |
Carlos P. Romulo |
|
| Secretary of Finance |
Eduardo Romualdez |
|
| Secretary of Justice |
Juan Ponce Enrile |
|
| Secretary of Agriculture and Natural Resources |
Fernando Lopez |
|
| Secretary of Public Works and Communications |
Manuel Syquio |
(acting) |
| Secretary of Education |
Onofre Corpuz |
|
| Secretary of Labor |
Blas Ople |
|
| Secretary of National Defense |
Ernesto Mata |
|
| Secretary of Health |
Amadeo Cruz |
|
| Secretary of Commerce and Industry |
Leonides Virata |
|
| Executive Secretary |
Rafael M. Salas |
|
| Secretary of General Services |
Salih Ututalum |
|
| Secretary of Social Welfare |
Gregorio Feliciano |
|
| Administrator of the Office of Economic Coordination |
Constancio Castañeda |
|
| Press Secretary |
Francisco Tatad |
|
| Chairman of the National Economic Council |
Marcelo Balatbat |
|
| Commissioner of the Budget |
Ernesto Mata |
|
| Commissioner on National Integration |
Mama Sinsuat |
|
| President, Presidential Arm on Community Development |
Ernesto Maceda |
|
| Governor, Land Authority |
Conrado Estrella |
|
| Presidential Anti-Crime Coordinator |
Alejo Santos |
|
| Director-General, Presidential Economic Staff |
Placido Mapa, Jr. |
|
| Chairman, Board of Investments |
Cesar Virata |
|
| Presidential Assistant on National Minorities |
Manuel Elizalde, Jr. |
|
| Commissioner of Civil Service |
Abelardo Subido |
|
Marcos had a vision of a "Bagong Lipunan (New Society)"—similar to the "New Order" that was imposed in Indonesia under dictator Suharto. He used the martial law years to implement
this vision. According to Marcos' book, "Notes on the New Society", it was a movement urging the poor and the privileged to work
as one for the common goals of society, and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization. Marcos
confiscated businesses owned by the oligarchy. More often than not, they were taken over by
Marcos' family members and close personal friends, who used them as fronts to launder proceeds from institutionalized graft and
corruption in the different national governmental agencies. In the end, some of Marcos' cronies used them as 'cash cows'. "Crony
capitalism" was the term used to describe this phenomenon. This phenomenon was intended to have genuinely nationalistic motives
by redistributing monopolies that were traditionally owned by Chinese and Mestizo oligarchs to Filipino businessmen. In practice,
it led to graft and corruption via bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement. By waging an ideological war
against the oligarchy, Marcos gained the support of the masses. Marcos also silenced the free press, making the state press the
only legal one. He also seized privately owned lands and distributed them to farmers. By doing this, Marcos abolished the old
oligarchy, only to create a new one in its place. Marcos, now free from day-to-day governance (which was left mostly to
Enrile), also used his power to settle old scores against old rivals, such as the
Lopezes, who were always opposed to the Marcos administration. Leading oppositionists such as Senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jose Diokno, Jovito Salonga and many others were imprisoned for months or years. This practice considerably alienated
the support of the old social and economic elite and the media who criticized the Marcos administration endlessly.
The declaration of martial law was initially very well received, given the social turmoil the Philippines was experiencing.
The rest of the world was surprised at how the Filipinos accepted his self-imposed dictatorship. Soon after Marcos declared
martial law, one American high-ranking official described the Philippines as a country composed "of 40 million cowards and one
son of a bitch", otherwise, he reasoned they should have risen against the destroyer of their freedom.[18] Crime rates plunged dramatically after dusk curfews were implemented. The
country would enjoy economic prosperity throughout the 1970s in the midst of growing dissent to his strong-willed rule towards
the end of martial law. Political opponents were given the opportunity or forced to go into exile. As a result, thousands
migrated to other countries, like the U.S. and Canada. Public dissent on the streets was not tolerated and leaders of such
protests were promptly arrested, detained, tortured, or never heard from again. Communist leaders, as well as sympathizers, were
forced to flee from the cities to the countrysides, where they multiplied. Lim Seng, a feared
drug lord, was arrested and executed in Luneta in 1972. As martial law dragged on for the next nine years, human rights
violations went unchecked, and graft and corruption by the military and the administration became widespread, as made manifest by
the Rolex 12.
Over the years, Marcos' hand was strengthened by the support of the armed forces, whose size he tripled, to 230,000 troops,
after declaring martial law in 1972. The forces included some first-rate units as well as thousands of unruly and ill-equipped
personnel of the civilian home defense forces and other paramilitary organizations.
Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of Staff of the Philippine Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff
of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian Ver, were the chief administrators of martial law from 1972 to 1981, and the three remained President
Marcos' closest advisors until he was ousted in 1986. Enrile and Ramos would later abandon Marcos' 'sinking ship' and seek protection behind the 1986 People Power revolution. The Catholic hierarchy and Manila's middle class were crucial to the
success of the massive crusade.
Economy
Economic performance during the Marcos era was strong at times, but when looked at over his whole regime, it was not
characterized by strong economic growth. Penn World Tables report real growth in GDP per capita averaged 3.5% from 1951 to 1965,
while under the Marcos regime (1966 to 1986), annual average growth was only 1.4%. To help finance a number of economic
development projects, such as infrastructure, the Marcos government engaged in borrowing money. Foreign capital was invited to
invest in certain industrial projects. They were offered incentives including tax exemption privileges and the privilege of
bringing out their profits in foreign currencies. One of the most important economic programs in the 1980s was the Kilusang
Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran (Movement for Livelihood and Progress). This program was started in September 1981. Its aim was to
promote the economic development of the barangays by encouraging the barangay residents to engage in their own livelihood
projects. The government's efforts resulted in the increase of the nation's economic growth rate to an average of six percent to
seven percent from 1970 to 1980.[citation needed] The rate was only less than 5% in the previous decade. The Gross National
Product rose from P55 billion ($7.7 billion) in 1972 to P193 billion ($27 billion) in 1980.[citation needed] Tourism rose, contributing to the
economy's growth. Most of these "tourists" were Filipino balikbayans (returnees) who came under the Ministry of Tourism's
Balikbayan Program, launched in 1973.
Economic growth was largely financed, however, by U.S. economic aid and several loans made by the Marcos government. The
country's foreign debts were less than US$1billion when Marcos assumed the presidency in 1965, and more than US$28billion when he
left office in 1986. A sizable amount of these moneys went to Marcos family and friends in the form of behest loans. These loans
were assumed by the government and still being serviced by taxpayers.[19] Today, more than half of the country's revenues are outlayed for the payments on the interests of
loans alone.
Another major source of economic growth was the remittances of overseas Filipino workers. Thousands of Filipino workers,
unable to find jobs locally, sought and found employment in the Middle East,
Singapore and Hong Kong. These overseas Filipino workers
not only helped ease the country's unemployment problem but also earned much-needed foreign exchange for the Philippines.
The Philippine economy suffered a great decline after the Aquino assassination by Fidel Ramos' assassination squad in August
1983. The wave of anti-Marcos demonstrations in the country that followed scared off tourists. The political troubles also
hindered the entry of foreign investments, and foreign banks stopped granting loans to the Philippine government.
In an attempt to launch a national economic recovery program, Marcos negotiated with foreign creditors including the
International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development, World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for a restructuring of the country's foreign debts – to
give the Philippines more time to pay the loans. Marcos ordered a cut in government expenditures and used a portion of the
savings to finance the Sariling Sikap (Self-Reliance), a livelihood program he established in 1984.
However, the economy experienced negative economic growth beginning in 1984 and continued to decline despite the government's
recovery efforts. The recovery program's failure was caused by civil unrest, rampant graft and corruption within the government
and by Marcos' lack of credibility. Marcos himself diverted large sums of government money to his party's campaign funds. The
unemployment rate ballooned from 6.30% in 1972 to 12.55% in 1985.
Downfall
- See also: 1986 EDSA Revolution
During these years, his regime was marred by rampant corruption and political mismanagement by his relatives and cronies,
which culminated with the assassination of Benigno Aquino, Jr. Critics considered
Marcos as the quintessential kleptocrat, having looted billions of dollars from the Filipino
treasury. Much of the lost sum has yet to be accounted for, but recent documents have revealed that it was actually Fidel Ramos
who had diverted the money (source required to substantiate this). He was also a notorious nepotist, appointing family members and close friends to high positions in his cabinet. This practice led to
even more widespread mishandling of government, especially during the 1980s when Marcos was mortally ill with lupus and was in and out of office. Perhaps the most prominent example is the Bataan Nuclear Power
Plant, a multi-billion dollar project that turned out to be a white elephant which
allegedly provided huge kickbacks to Marcos and his businessman-friend, Herminio Disini, who spearheaded the project. The
reactor, which turned out to be based on old, costly designs and built on an earthquake fault, has still to produce a single watt
of electricity. The Philippine government today is still paying interests on more than US$28 billion public debts incurred during his administration. It was reported that when Marcos
fled, U.S. Customs agents discovered 24 suitcases of gold bricks and diamond jewelry hidden in diaper bags; in addition,
certificates for gold bullion valued in the billions of dollars are allegedly among the personal properties he, his family, his
cronies and business partners had surreptitiously taken with them when the Reagan administration provided them safe passage to
Hawaii.[20][21]
During his third term, Marcos's health deteriorated rapidly due to kidney ailments. He was absent for weeks at a time for
treatment, with no one to assume command. Many people questioned whether he still had capacity to govern, due to his grave
illness and the ballooning political unrest. With Marcos ailing, his equally powerful wife, Imelda, emerged as the government's
main public figure. Marcos dismissed speculations of his ailing health--he used to be an avid golfer and fitness buff who liked
showing off his physique. In light of these growing problems, the assassination of Aquino in 1983 would later prove to be the
catalyst that led to his overthrow. Many Filipinos came to believe that Marcos, a shrewd political tactician, had no hand in the
murder of Aquino but that he was involved in cover-up measures. However, the opposition blamed Marcos directly for the
assassination while others blamed the military and his wife, Imelda. The 1985 acquittals of Gen. Fabian Ver as well as other
high-ranking military officers for the crime were widely seen as a miscarriage of justice.
By 1984, his close personal ally, U.S.
President Ronald Reagan, started distancing himself from the Marcos regime that he
and previous American presidents had strongly supported even after Marcos declared martial law. The United States, which had provided hundreds of millions of dollars in aid, was crucial in buttressing
Marcos' rule over the years.[22] During the Carter
administration the relation with the U.S. soured somewhat when President Jimmy Carter
targeted the Philippines in his human rights campaign. In 1981 Vice President George
Bush seemed to signal a different approach when in his visit to Manila he told Marcos, "We love your adherence to
democratic principles and to democratic processes."[23]
In the face of escalating public discontent and under pressure from foreign allies, Marcos called a snap presidential election
for 1986, with more than a year left in his term. He selected Arturo Tolentino as his
running mate. The opposition united behind Aquino's widow, Corazon and her running mate,
Salvador Laurel.
The final tally of the National Movement for Free Elections, an
accredited poll watcher, showed Aquino winning by almost 800,000 votes. However, the government tally showed Marcos winning by
almost 1.6 million votes. This appearance of blatant fraud by Marcos led the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines and
the United States Senate to condemn the elections. Both Marcos and Aquino traded
accusations of vote-rigging. Popular sentiment in Metro Manila sided with Aquino, leading to a massive, multisectoral
congregation of protesters, and the gradual defection of the military to Aquino led by Defense Secretary Juan Ponce Enrile and
Acting Chief of Staff Fidel V. Ramos. It must be noted that prior to his defection, Enrile's arrest warrant, having been charged
for graft and corruption, was about to be served.[citation needed] The "People Power movement"
drove Marcos into exile, and installed Corazon Aquino as the new president. At the height of the revolution, Enrile revealed that
his ambush was faked in order for Marcos to have a pretext for imposing martial law. However, Marcos maintained that he was the
duly-elected and proclaimed President of the Philippines for a fourth term. Marcos' wife was found to have over 2500 pairs of
shoes in her closet.
The Marcos family and their associates went into exile in Hawaii and were later indicted for
embezzlement in the United States. Marcos died in Honolulu on September 28,1989 of kidney,
heart and lung ailments. He was interred in a private mausoleum at Byodo-In Temple on
the island of Oahu, visited daily by the Marcos family, political allies and friends. The late strongman's remains are currently
interred inside a refrigerated crypt in Ilocos Norte, where his son, Ferdinand, Jr., and eldest daughter, Imee, have since become
the local governor and representative, respectively. A Mount Rushmore-esque bust of
Ferdinand Marcos, commissioned by Tourism Minister Jose Aspiras, was carved into a hillside in
Benguet. It was subsequently destroyed by suspects that include left-wing activists, members of a local tribe who have been
displaced by its construction, and looters hunting for the Marcos legendary hidden treasure.[24] Imelda Marcos was acquitted of embezzlement by a U.S. court in 1990, but is
still facing a few hundred additional graft charges in Philippine courts in
2006.
In 1995 some 10,000 Filipinos won a U.S. class-action lawsuit filed against the Marcos estate. The charges were filed by
victims or their surviving relatives for torture, execution and disappearances.[25] Human rights groups place the number of victims of extrajudicial killings under martial law at 1500
and Karapatan (a local human rights group's) records show 759 involuntarily disappeared (their bodies never found). While
military historian Alfred McCoy in his book "Closer than Brothers: Manhood at the Philippine Military Academy" and in his speech
"Dark Legacy" cite 3,257 extrajudicial killings, 35,000 torture victims, and 70,000 incarcerated during the Marcos years.[26][27] The newspaper "Bulatlat" place the number of victims of arbitrary arrest and detention at
120,000.[28]
Legacy
Prior to Marcos, Philippine presidents had followed the path of "traditional politics" by using their position to help along
friends and allies before stepping down for the next "player." Marcos essentially destroyed this setup through military rule,
which allowed him to rewrite the rules of the game so they favored the Marcoses and their allies.
His practice of using the politics of patronage in his desire to be the "amo" or godfather of not just the people, but
the judiciary, legislature and administrative branches of the government ensured his downfall, no matter how Marcos justified it
according to his own philosophy of the "politics of achievement". This practice entailed bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement
to gain the support of the aforementioned sectors. The 14 years of his dictatorship, according to critics, have warped the
legislative, judiciary and the military.[29][30]
Another allegation was that his family and cronies looted so much wealth from the country that to this day investigators have
difficulty determining precisely how many billions of dollars have been salted away. The Swiss government has also returned
US$684 million in allegedly ill-gotten Marcos wealth.[31][32][33]
According to staunch Marcos critic Jovito Salonga, author of the book "Presidential
Plunder: the Quest for the Marcos Ill-Gotten Wealth," monopolies in several vital industries have been created and placed under
the control of Marcos cronies, such as coconut (under Eduardo Cojuangco, Jr. and
Juan Ponce Enrile), tobacco (under Lucio Tan),
banana (under Antonio Floirendo), manufacturing (under Herminio
Disini and Ricardo Silverio), and sugar (under Roberto
Benedicto). The Marcos and Romualdez families became owners, directly or indirectly, of the nation's largest corporations,
such as the Philippine Long Distance Company (PLDT), the Philippine Airlines (PAL), Meralco (a national electric company),
Fortune Tobacco, the San Miguel Corporation (Asia's largest beer and bottling company), numerous newspapers, radio and TV
broadcasting companies, several banks, real estate properties in New York, California and Hawaii. It was no exaggeration when
Imelda Marcos declared in an interview, that her family "own practically everything in the Philippines."[34] The Aquino government also accused them of skimming off
foreign aid and international assistance. This is a clear example of the aforementioned "crony capitalism" that Marcos introduced
during the New Society.
His apologists claim Marcos was a good president gone bad and that he was a man of rare gifts--a brilliant lawyer, a shrewd
politician and keen legal analyst with a ruthless streak and a flair for leadership. Having been in power for more than 20 years,
Marcos also had the very rare opportunity to lead the Philippines toward prosperity, with massive infrastructure he put in plac |
