David Lloyd George, 1st Earl Lloyd-George of Dwyfor, OM, PC (17 January 1863 – 26 March 1945) was a British statesman who was Prime Minister throughout the latter half of World
War I and the first four years of the subseqeunt peace.
Upbringing and early life
Although born in Chorlton-on-Medlock, Manchester, England, Lloyd George was a Welsh-speaking man and Welsh
by descent and upbringing, the only Welshman ever to hold the office of Prime Minister in
the British government.
In March 1863, his father William George, who had been a school teacher in Manchester and other towns, returned to his native Pembrokeshire due to failing health. He took up farming but died in
June 1864 of pneumonia, aged 44. His mother Elizabeth (1828-1896, daughter of David Lloyd,
shoemaker and Baptist
pastor, of Llanystumdwy, Caernarvonshire), sold
the farm and moved with her children to her native Llanystumdwy, North Wales, where she lived with
her brother Richard, a master cobbler and later a lay Baptist preacher who, as a strong
Liberal, proved a towering influence on the boy, encouraging him to take up a
career in law and enter politics; his uncle remained influential
up until his death at age 83 in February 1917, by which time his nephew was Prime Minister. His childhood showed through in his entire career, as he attempted to aid the common
man at the expense of what he liked to call "the Dukes". There were three children; Mary Ellen was
his elder sister and William was born posthumously to his father in 1865.
Articled to a firm of solicitors in Porthmadog, Lloyd George was admitted in 1884 after
taking Honours in his final law examination and set up his own practice in the back parlour of his uncle's house in 1885. The
practice flourished, he established branch offices in surrounding towns and took his brother William into partnership in 1887. By
then he was politically active, having campaigned for the Liberal Party in the
1885 election in which he was attracted by Joseph Chamberlain's "unauthorised programme" of reforms. The election resulted firstly in a
stalemate, neither the Liberals nor the Conservatives having a majority, the balance of power being held by the Irish National
Party and then in William Gladstone's announcement of a determination to bring about
Irish Home Rule which in turn led to Chamberlain leaving the Liberals to form the
Liberal Unionists. Lloyd George was uncertain of which wing to follow, carrying a
pro-Chamberlain resolution at the local Liberal Club and travelling to Birmingham planning to attend the first meeting of Chamberlain's National Radical Union but he had his dates wrong and arrived a week too early. In 1907, he was
to say that he thought Chamberlain's plan for a federal solution correct in 1886 and still thought so, that he preferred the
unauthorised programme to the Whiggish platform of the official Liberal Party and that had
Chamberlain proposed solutions to Welsh grievances such as land reform and disestablishment he, together with most Welsh
Liberals, would have followed him.
On 24 January 1888, he married Margaret Owen, the daughter of a well-to-do local farming family. Also in that year he and other
young Welsh Liberals founded a monthly paper Udgorn Rhyddid (Bugle of Freedom) and won on appeal to the Divisional Court
of Queens Bench the Llanfrothen Burial case which established the right of Nonconformists
to be buried according to their own denominational rites in parish burial grounds, a right given by the Burial Act 1880 that had
hitherto been ignored by the Anglican clergy. It was this case, which was hailed as a great
victory throughout Wales, and his writings in Udgorn Rhyddid that led to his adoption as the Liberal candidate for
Caernarfon Boroughs on 27
December 1888.
In 1889, he became an Alderman on the Caernarfon County Council which had been created by
the Local Government Act 1888. At that time he appeared to be trying to create
a separate Welsh National Party modelled on Parnell's Irish Parliamentary Party and worked towards a union of the North and South Wales Liberal
Federations.
His flair quickly showed, and he was narrowly returned Liberal MP for Caernarfon Boroughs on 13
April 1890 at a by-election caused by the death of the former Conservative member, his margin being 19 votes. When entering the House of Commons, he was the
youngest MP in the house and he sat with an informal grouping of Welsh Liberal members with a programme of disestablishing and
disendowing the Church of England in Wales, temperance reform and Welsh
home rule. He would remain an MP until 1945, fifty-five years later.
As at that time, backbench members of the House of Commons were not paid, he supported himself and his growing family by
continuing to practise as a solicitor, opening an office in London under the title of Lloyd
George and Co and continuing in partnership with William George in Criccieth. In 1897, he merged his growing London practice with
that of Arthur Rhyrs Roberts (who was to become Official Solicitor) under the title of Lloyd George, Roberts and Co.
He was soon speaking on Liberal issues (particularly temperance, the "local option" and national as opposed to denominational
education) throughout England as well as Wales. During the next decade, Lloyd George campaigned in Parliament largely for Welsh
issues and in particular for disestablishment and disendowment of the Church of
England. He wrote extensively for Liberal papers such as the Manchester
Guardian. When Gladstone retired after the defeat of the second Home Rule Bill in 1894 the Welsh Liberal members chose
him to serve on a deputation to William Harcourt to press for
specific assurances on Welsh issues and when those were not forthcoming they resolved to take independent action if the
government did not bring a bill for disestablishment. When that was not forthcoming he and three other Welsh Liberals
(David Alfred Thomas, Herbert
Lewis and Frank Edwards) refused the whip
on 14 April 1892 but accepted Lord Rosebery's assurance and rejoined the official Liberals on
29 May. Thereafter, he devoted much time to setting up branches of Cymru Fydd (Wales Will Be) which, he said, would in time become a force like the Irish National Party. He
abandoned this idea after being criticised in Welsh newspapers for bringing about the defeat of the Liberal Party in the
1895 election and when, at a meeting in Newport on 16 January 1896,
the South Wales Liberal Federation, led by David Alfred Thomas
and Robert Bird moved that he be not heard.
He gained national fame by his vehement opposition to the Second Boer War. He based
his attack firstly on what were supposed to be the war aims – remedying the grievances of the Uitlanders and in particular the claim they were wrongly denied the right to vote saying "I do not believe the
war has any connection with the franchise. It is a question of 45% dividends" and that England (which then did not have universal
manhood suffrage) was more in need of franchise reform than the Boer republics. His second attack was on the cost of the war
which prevented overdue social reform in England, such as old age pensions and workman's cottages. As the war progressed he moved
his attack to its conduct by the generals, who he said (basing his words on reports by Burdett
Coutt in The Times) were not providing for the sick or wounded soldiers and were
starving Boer women and children in concentration camps. But he reserved his major thrusts for Chamberlain accusing him of
directly profiteering from the war through the Chamberlain family company Kynochs Ltd of which Chamberlain's brother was Chairman
and which had won tenders to the War Office though its prices were higher than some of its competitors. His attacks almost split
the Liberal Party as H. H. Asquith, Richard Burdon Haldane and others were supporters of the war and formed the
Liberal Imperial League.
His attacks on the government's Education Act which provided that County Councils would fund church schools helped reunite the
Liberals, his successful amendment that the County need only fund those schools where the buildings were in good repair served to
make the Act a dead letter in Wales where the Counties were able to show most of the Church of England schools were in poor
repair. Having already gained national recognition for his anti Boer War campaigns, his leadership of the attacks on the
Education Act gave him a strong parliamentary reputation and marked him as a future cabinet member.
Cabinet Minister (1905-1916)
In 1905, he entered the new Liberal Cabinet of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman
as President of the Board of Trade. In
that position he brought legislation on many topics, from Merchant Shipping and Companies to Railway regulation but his main
achievement was in stopping a proposed national strike of the railway unions by brokering an agreement between the unions and the
railway companies. While almost all the companies refused to recognise the unions Lloyd George persuaded the companies to
recognise elected representatives of the workers who sat with the company representatives on conciliation boards -one for each
company. If those boards failed to agree then there was a central board. This was Lloyd George's first great triumph for which he
received praises from among others Kaiser Wilhelm II. His great excitement -
apparent from his letters to his family -was crushed by his daughter Mair's death from appendicitis a fortnight later in November
1907.
On Campbell-Bannerman's death he succeeded Asquith, who had become Prime Minister, as Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1908 to 1915. While he continued some work from the Board
of Trade - for example legislation to establish a Port of London authority and to pursue traditional Liberal programmes such as
licensing law reforms -his first major trial in this role was over the 1908-1909 Naval Estimates. The Liberal manifesto at the
1906 general elections included a commitment to reduce military
expenditure. Lloyd George strongly supported this writing to Reginald McKenna
First Lord of the Admiralty "the emphatic pledges given by all of us
at the last general election to reduce the gigantic expenditure on armaments built up by the recklessness of our predecessors."
He then proposed the programme be reduced from six to four dreadnoughts. This was adopted by
the government but there was a public storm when the Conservatives, with covert support from the First Sea Lord Admiral Jackie Fisher campaigned
for more with the slogan "We want eight and we wont wait.' This resulted in Lloyd George's defeat in Cabinet and the adoption of
estimates including provision for eight dreadnoughts. This was later to be said to be one of the main turning points in the naval
arms race between Germany and Britain that contributed to the causes of World War I.
He was largely responsible for the introduction of old age pensions, unemployment benefit and state financial support for the
sick and infirm - legislation often referred to as the Liberal reforms. These social
benefits were met with great hostility in the House of Lords where the "People's Budget"
Lloyd George championed to introduce and finance them was rejected because it angered the landed gentry. These social reforms
began in Britain the creation of a welfare state that had been preceded in Germany some 20 years earlier. They fulfilled in both
countries the aim of dampening down the demands of the growing working class for rather more radical solutions to their
impoverishment.
Considered a pacifist until 1914, Lloyd George changed his stance when World War I broke out. When the Liberal government fell as a result of the Shell Crisis of 1915 and was replaced with a coalition government dominated by Liberals still under
the Premiership of Asquith, Lloyd George became the first Minister of Munitions in
1915 and then Secretary of State for War in 1916.
Prime Minister (1916-1922)
War leader (1916-1918)
According to his political opponents in the Liberal Party he maneuvered to replace Asquith as Prime Minister of a new wartime
coalition government between the Liberals and the Conservatives, but his allies
argued that Asquith's loss of the leadership was brought about by his own failures as a leader. The result was a split of the
Liberal Party into two factions; those who supported Asquith and those who supported the coalition government. His support from
the Unionists was critical, and he ruled almost as a president. In his War Memoirs [v 1 p 602], he compared himself to
Asquith:
There are certain indispensable qualities essential to the Chief Minister of the Crown in a great war. . . . Such a minister
must have courage, composure, and judgment. All this Mr. Asquith possessed in a superlative degree. . . . But a war minister must
also have vision, imagination and initiative--he must show untiring assiduity, must exercise constant oversight and supervision
of every sphere of war activity, must possess driving force to energize this activity, must be in continuous consultation with
experts, official and unofficial, as to the best means of utilising the resources of the country in conjunction with the Allies
for the achievement of victory. If to this can be added a flair for conducting a great fight, then you have an ideal War
Minister.
After 6 December 1916, despite occupying the Premiership
Lloyd George was not all powerful, being dependent on the support of Conservatives for his continuance in power. This was
reflected in the make-up of his 5-member war cabinet, which as well as himself included the Conservative Lord President of the
Council and Leader of the House of Lords, Lord Curzon;
Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader of the House of Commons, Andrew Bonar Law; and
Minister without Portfolio, Lord Milner. The fifth member, Arthur Henderson, was the
unofficial representative of the Labour Party. This accounts for Lloyd George's
inability to establish complete personal control over military strategy, as Churchill did in the Second World War, and accounted
for some of the most costly military blunders of the war. Nevertheless the War Cabinet was a very successful innovation. It met
almost daily, with Sir Maurice Hankey as secretary, and made all major political, military, economic and diplomatic decisions.
Rationing was finally imposed in early 1918 and was limited to meat, sugar and fats (butter and oleo) – but not bread; the new
system worked smoothly. From 1914 to 1918 trade union membership doubled, from a little over four million to a little over eight
million. Work stoppages and strikes became frequent in 1917-18 as the unions expressed grievances regarding prices, liquor
control, pay disputes, "dilution," fatigue from overtime and from Sunday work, and inadequate housing.
Conscription put into uniform nearly every physically fit man, six million out of ten
million eligible. Of these about 750,000 lost their lives and 1,700,000 were wounded. Most deaths were to young unmarried men;
however 160,000 wives lost husbands and 300,000 children lost fathers. [Havighurst p 134-5]
The originality and creativity of the many organizations and systems which Lloyd George created to fight the First World War
is demonstrated by the fact that most were replicated when war came again in 1939. As Lord Beaverbrook remarked, 'There were no
signposts to guide Lloyd George.'
Postwar Prime Minister (1918-1922)
Snowed under.
The St. Bernard Pup (to his Master). "This situation appeals to my hereditary instincts. Shall I come to the rescue?"
[Before leaving Switzerland Mr. Lloyd George purchased a St. Bernard pup.]
Cartoon from Punch September 15, 1920
At the end of the war Lloyd George's reputation stood at its zenith. A leading Conservative said He can be dictator for
life if he wishes. In the "Coupon election" of 1918 he declared this must be a land "fit for heroes to live in." He did not
say, "We shall squeeze the German lemon until the pips squeak" (that was Eric Campbell
Geddes) but he did express that sentiment about reparations from Germany to pay the entire cost of the war, including
pensions. At Bristol, he said that German industrial capacity "will go a pretty long way." We must have "the uttermost farthing,"
and "shall search their pockets for it." As the campaign closed, he summarized his program:
- Trial of the Kaiser;
- punishment of those guilty of atrocities;
- fullest indemnity from Germany;
- Britain for the British, socially and industrially;
- rehabilitation of those broken in the war; and
- a happier country for all.
His "National Liberal" coalition won a massive landslide, winning 525 of the 707 contests; however the Conservatives had
control within the Coalition of more than two-thirds of its seats. Asquith's independent Liberals were crushed and emerged with
only 33 seats, falling behind Labour. [Havighurst p 151]
Lloyd George represented Britain at the Versailles Peace Conference,
clashing with French Premier Georges Clemenceau, American President Woodrow Wilson and Italian Prime
Minister Vittorio Orlando. Lloyd George wanted to punish Germany
politically and economically for devastating Europe during the war, but did not want to utterly destroy the German economy and
political system the way Clemenceau and many other people of France wanted to do with their demand for massive reparations.
Memorably, he replied to a question as to how he had done at the peace conference, "Not badly, considering I was seated between
Jesus Christ and Napoleon" (Wilson and Clemenceau). The British economist John Maynard Keynes attacked Lloyd George's stance on reparations in his book
The Economic Consequences of the Peace calling the Prime Minister a "half-human visitor to our age from the hag-ridden
magic and enchanted woods of Celtic antiquity".
Lloyd George began to feel the weight of the coalition with the Conservatives after the war. His decision to extend
conscription to Ireland was nothing short of disastrous, indirectly leading a majority of Irish MPs to declare independence. He
presided over a war of attrition in Ireland, which led to the negotiation of
the Anglo-Irish Treaty with Arthur Griffith
and Michael Collins and the formation of the Irish Free State. At one point, he famously declared of the IRA, "We have murder by the throat!" However he was soon to begin negotiations with IRA leaders to
recognise their authority and end the conflict.
Lloyd George's coalition was too large, and deep fissures quickly emerged. The more traditional wing of the Unionist Party had
no intention of introducing these reforms, which led to three years of frustrated fighting within the coalition both between the
National Liberals and the Unionists and between factions within the Conservatives themselves. It was this fighting, coupled with
the increasingly differing ideologies of the two forces in a country reeling from the costs of war that led to Lloyd George fall
from power. In June 1922 Conservatives were able to show that he had been selling knighthoods and peerages for money. Conservatives were concerned by his desire to create a party from these funds comprising of
moderate Liberals and Conservatives. A major attack in the House of Lords followed on his
corruption resulting in the Honours (Prevention of Abuses) Act
1925. The Conservatives also attacked Lloyd George as lacking any executive accountability as Prime Minister, claiming that he never turned up to Cabinet meetings and banished some government departments to the gardens of 10 Downing Street.
His government was brought down by the Chanak Crisis during which on 12 October 1922 at a meeting called by Austen Chamberlain as the leader of the Conservatives in the House of Commons, the frustrated and
underused coalition backbenchers sealed Lloyd George's fate. Chamberlain and other prominent Conservatives such as the
Earl of Balfour argued for supporting Lloyd George, while prospective party leader
Andrew Bonar Law argued the other way, claiming that breaking up the coalition
"wouldn't break Lloyd George's heart". The main attack came from Stanley Baldwin, then a
junior treasury minister, who spoke of Lloyd George as a "dynamic force" who would break the Conservative Party. Baldwin and many
of the more progressive members of the Conservative Party fundamentally opposed Lloyd George and those who supported him on moral
grounds. The motion that the Conservative Party should fight the next election (then due in a matter of months) on its own,
rather than co-operating with the Coalition Liberals was carried 187 to 86.
Later political career (1922-1945)
Throughout the next two decades Lloyd George remained on the margins of British politics, being frequently predicted to return
to office but never succeeding. Before the 1923 election, he made up his dispute with Asquith, allowing the Liberals to run a
united ticket, and in 1926 he succeeded Asquith as Liberal leader. In 1929 Lloyd George became Father of the House, the longest serving member of the Commons. In 1931 an illness prevented his
joining the National Government when it was formed. Later when the
National Government called a General Election he tried to pull the Liberal Party out of it but succeeded in taking only a few
followers, most of whom were related to him; the main Liberal party remained in the coalition for a year longer, under the
leadership of Sir Herbert Samuel.
In 1934, Lloyd George made a controversial statement about reserving the right to "bomb niggers"[2] that has since been quoted by political activist Noam Chomsky and others.[3][4][5][6][7][8] The quote was originally attributed to Lloyd George in 1934 by
Frances Stevenson, his secretary and second wife, in her diary, which was published in 1971.[9] On page 259 of Lloyd George: A Diary by Frances Stevenson, the March 9,
1934 diary entry includes the following passage: "Debate last night in the House on Air—strong demonstrations in favour of
increased no. of fighting planes. D. [David Lloyd George] says it could have been avoided but for Simon's [Sir John Simon's]
mismanagement. At Geneva other countries would have agreed not to use aeroplanes for bombing purposes, but we insisted on
reserving the right, as D. puts it, to bomb niggers! Whereupon the whole thing fell through, & we add 5 millions to our air
armaments expenditure."[10] British historian V.G. Kiernan
wrote that Lloyd George and others in the British government had argued during that period for the right to bomb British colonies
as they deemed it necessary.[11]
In 1935 Lloyd George sought to promote a radical programme of economic reform, called "Lloyd George's New Deal" after the
American New Deal. However the programme did not find favour in the mainstream political
parties. Later that year Lloyd George and his family reunited with the Liberal Party in Parliament. In August 1936 Lloyd George
met Hitler at Berchtesgaden and offered some public comments that were surprisingly
favourable to the German dictator, expressing warm enthusiasm both for Hitler personally and for Germany's public works schemes
(upon returning, he wrote of Hitler in the Daily Express as "the greatest living German", "the George Washington of
Germany"). Despite this embarrassment, however, as the 1930s progressed Lloyd George became more clear-eyed about the German
threat and joined Winston Churchill, among others, in fighting the government's policy
of appeasement. In the late 1930s he was sent by the British government to try to dissuade Adolf
Hitler from his plans of Europe-wide expansion. In perhaps the last important parliamentary intervention of his career,
which occurred during the crucial Norway Debate of May 1940, Lloyd George made a powerful
speech that helped to undermine Chamberlain as Prime Minister and to pave the way for the ascendancy of Churchill as Premier.
Churchill offered Lloyd George a place in his Cabinet but he refused, citing his dislike of Chamberlain. Lloyd George also
thought that Britain's chances in the war were dim, and he remarked to his secretary: "I shall wait until Winston is
bust".[12] He wrote to the Duke of Bedford in September 1940 advocating a negotiated peace with Germany
after the Battle of Britain.[13]
A pessimistic speech on 7 May 1941 led Churchill to compare him
with Pétain. He cast his last vote in the Commons on 18
February